United Africa

Thursday, August 31, 2017

Rashidi Kawawa and Creation of a Young Nation

Wednesday April 4th, 1963 the Vice President of Tanganyika, Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa, got into an armored car with the Egyptian Minister of Religion, Mohammed El Bahei for a drive to another city. Kawawa was on an official visit to Egypt (then UAR). The two leaders drove to a textile factory at Mehalpa. Kawawa and El Bahei were found unconscious when officials opened the car doors in Mehalpa. It would take several hours before the two leaders were revived. The incident would shock the young nation of Tanganyika when the news broke back home. Speculations continue about exactly what happened on that drive to Mehalpa. One thing is clear: the incident almost ended the life of one of Tanzania’s most remarkable leaders.

Kawawa’s story begins in Songea, Tanzania (then Tanganyika). He was born on May 27, 1926 in Songea, Tanganyika. He was a son of a civil servant and an elephant hunter. Kawawa attended Tabora Boys, a prestigious government school. He had an opportunity to attend Makerere after Tabora Boys; but the young Kawawa decided not to pursue further education in order to allow his siblings an opportunity to get an education. Kawawa applied for a post as a Government Welfare Officer. The colonial officials thought he was too young to get the post. Instead he was hired as a clerk of the Public Works Department. Kawawa was later transferred to Social Department in 1951. It was during this period that he would become involved with films. As a Social Development officer, he operated a mobile cinema and organized a film library. Kawawa became a film star in the early 1950s; he acted in a number of Swahili films.

The colonial government prohibited civil servants from joining political parties. Kawawa could not take part in the independence struggle openly as long as he worked for the government. Many civil servants had to work clandestinely. Civil servants worked with Tanganyika African Association (TAA) secretly in the beginning of the 1950s. The one avenue opened to government workers was the Tanganyika African Government Services Association (TAGSA). Kawawa joined the organization early on as a government employee. He fought to improve the rights of government workers as one of the leaders of the association. One of the TAGSA initiatives was filling complaints with United Nations Commission when it came to Tanganyika in 1951. TAGSA complained about racial discrimination against Africans in the government services to the UN Committee. While the complaint was directed towards Government practices, it was nevertheless, an important move in bringing more attention to Tanganyika by the world organization, something that helped advance the independence struggle. Kawawa was one of the founders of Tanganyika Federation of Labor in October 1955; he became the Secretary General of TFL when it was founded and later its President.

Kawawa decided to change course in February 1956. He resigned from his position in the colonial government and became a full time trade union activist and leader of the TFL. Kawawa officially joined TANU around the same time. He actively worked to build up TANU as a powerful nationalist movement in the second half of the 1950s. His work in TANU went hand in hand with his important work as the leader of a labor union. As an official of TFL, Kawawa travelled to many countries and attended two study conferences in the UK.

The Colonial government nominated Kawawa as a member of the Legislative Council in August 1957. He later ran for the seat unopposed. Kawawa won LEGCO seat for Nachingwea in 1960.

Prime Minister Julius Nyerere resigned in January 22 and left the position for Rashidi Kawawa. Kawawa would take drastic measures during his tenure to move the country forward. As a Prime Minister, Kawawa took steps that even Mwalimu Nyerere was not ready to take at the time. Kawawa became the Prime Minister of Tanganyika from January 22 to December 8, 1962. He moved the Africanization program with lightning speed; this was a controversial, but necessary move. He oversaw the Africanization commission before becoming the Prime Minister; he would take drastic steps as the Prime Minister. One of the first things he did was to let go the British Principle Secretary, Meek, and replaced him with the experienced administrator, Dunstan Alfred Omari. Kawawa moved on to the police force and dismissed the British Commissioner of Police and replaced him with a Tanganyikan, Elangwa Shaidi. Next Kawawa turned to Africanizing important positions in the police including, Assistant Commissioner, Senior Superintendent, and officers.

Kawawa worked closely with liberation organizations fighting for independence in southern Africa in the course of 1962. Nelson Mandela escaped from South Africa secretly and reached Tanganyika on January 21, 1962. Mandela met with the new Prime Minister Kawawa several days later. Mandela was given assistance and travel documents. Kawawa also worked closely with Kenneth Kaunda and UNIP of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). The Tanganyika government provided UNIP with significant logistical and material support in the course of 1962 and 1963, including hosting a PAFMECA (then PAFMECSA) meeting and rally in Mbeya, Tanganyika in support of the independence of Northern Rhodesia. Kawawa gave full Tanganyika support for the meeting and rally. In May of 1962, Kawawa hired a 39 year old barrister from Southern Rhodesia, Herbert Chitepo, as the Director of Public Prosecution.

The Vice President’s office in January 1963 was the most Africanized of all government offices. Mwalimu Nyerere would later admit that Kawawa took measures that he had equivocated on. Mwalimu ended the Africanization scheme on January 4, 1964, calling it a policy of “racial discrimination” implemented two years prior; the move led to profound consequences for the government on January 20, 1964 when the Tanganyika army mutinied.

1963 was a difficult year for Africa. The year started with the assassination of President Sylvanus Olympio of Togo on January 13, 1963. In Tanganyika, the newly appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs and Defense, Oscar Kambona, was busy dismantling the old intelligence organization and working to build a new one. The appointment was said to have been a compromise with Kawawa becoming the Vice President and Kambona taking two important portfolios: Foreign Affairs and Defense. Tension between Kawawa and Kambona would later mount. Kambona eventually lost the defense portfolio and it would be brought under the supervision of Kawawa.

The safety of top government officials was a major concern in 1963. It was around this time that request was made to the Americans to get special training for Presidential security and counter intelligence. Men like Peter Bwimbo and later Wynn J. Mbwambo were sent to the US for specialized training. Concerns about the safety of leaders and the security of the nation increased when a decision was made sometime in early 1963 to allow liberation groups to establish training camps in the country. Kongwa, an old farm, was opened up for liberation groups in early 1963. Tanganyika was helping to prepare groups from southern Africa for war. The hosting of Afro Asian Conference in Moshi in February 1963 signaled the role Tanganyika was playing in the liberation struggles. Kawawa contributed to this development in the course of 1962. It is no surprise that the New York Times published a major article in February of 1963 entitled “Tanganyika Capital is Haven for African Revolutionaries.” It was under these circumstances that Kawawa boarded a plane for Cairo via Nairobi in April of 1963.

Kawawa had been a busy man by all accounts in early 1963. He was in UK in January where he met with Prime Minister Macmillan at Admiralty House. Kawawa was there with Uganda Prime Minister Milton Obote. The leaders met to put pressure on the Macmillan to speed up the process of Kenya to win independence. Tanganyika was making the case for Kenya’s early independence because they hoped independence would make room for regional cooperation between Tanganyika, Uganda, and Kenya. This cooperation, they hoped, would lead to the establishment of East African Federation. Kawawa pushed the British on their policy towards Congo during the meeting.

Tanganyika was trying to build close links with various African countries in 1963. Among those countries were Egypt and Guinea. Egypt was important for Tanganyika. President Nasser was trying to curve out his sphere of influence in Sub-Saharan Africa. He had developed close friendship with members of the ZNP in neighboring Zanzibar. Tanganyika was giving full backing to the ASP in Zanzibar. Tanganyika was also preparing for the important conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia that would lead to the formation of the OAU. Gaining the support of Nasser was crucial.

Kawawa left Tanganyika on Sunday April 1, 1963 for state visits to Cairo, Egypt and Guinea. He was scheduled to stop in Nairobi, Kenya to speak with Kenya leaders before proceeding to Egypt. He left Tanganyika with a delegation of six people on board a government airplane. The men in his delegation included, Bhoke Munanka, A.B.C. Daniel, Colin Jana, M. Nasoro, Ramadhani Massoud, P. Pamba, and J. Rwegasira. This was to be an exciting trip to establish friendly relations with Egypt.

The Tanganyika delegation stopped in Nairobi, Kenya and Kawawa met with Jommo Kenyatta and members of KANU. Kawawa told reporters before leaving Kenya that he had friendly talks with Kenyatta. Among the topics discussed was the question of early independence for Kenya and the establishment of East African Federation. Kawawa arrived in Cairo on April 2, 1963. He was met at the Cairo airport by the Vice President of Egypt, El-Sayeid Zakaria Mohamed. A special gathering and dinner was organized for Tanganyika delegation that evening.

President of Abdel Nasser presented Kawawa with one of the highest medals given by the Egyptian government during the visit. He received the Grand Cordon Order of the Nile. Kawawa met with Egyptian government officials and was given a tour of various places. Kawawa and his delegation was met by a cheering crowd as he left El-Horeya Palace and headed to the Egyptian Museum. The Egyptian government opened up the red carpet for Kawawa. During the talks, leaders from the two countries discussed liberation struggle, aid, and development. However, most of the discussions centered on economic collaboration.

On Wednesday April 4th, Kawawa got in to a car with the Egyptian Minister of Religion, Mohamed El Bahei on a 75 mile ride to Mehalpa. The two leaders were driving to visit a textile factory. The windows were closed. The car was designed so that the driver could not hear conversations in the passenger seats when the window separating the driver and passengers was closed.

When the car stopped in Mehalpa, government officials opened the doors to find Kawawa and El Bahei unconscious. The two leaders were rushed to a hospital owned by the clothing factory. They were given oxygen, injections, and other medications, and admitted to the hospital. It was not until later in the evening that the two gained consciousness. The official report is that the air system malfunctioned. Reports reaching Tanganyika blamed the accident on the lack of air caused by a malfunction. The reports claimed that Kawawa and El Bahei fainted for lack of air. A diplomatic report blamed the incident on Carbon Monoxide poisoning. Whether it was lack of air or Carbon Monoxide poisoning remains a mystery. Furthermore, questions remains whether this was an accident or a deliberate attempt to harm the two leaders. Given the dangers to Tanganyika leaders posed by increasing support to liberation movements, the possibility of this being a plot to assassinate the Vice President of Tanganyika cannot be dismissed.

Kawawa and El Bahei would later fully recover. It was a close call, particularly for the Egyptian Minister who was reported to have been in worse condition. Kawawa extended his visit to Egypt and eventually left Cairo for Guinea. The incident in Egypt in 1963 illustrates dangers leaders faced during the first half of the 1960s. Kawawa was able to secure assistance from the government of Egypt in various sectors. The trip appears to have been a success; it helped improving relations between the two countries.

Kawawa returned to Tanganyika on April 22, 1963.

TBC..

Sunday, June 25, 2017

Who Came up with the Name Tanzania

The Government of the Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar invited people to submit proposals for a new name for the country on July 31/August 1, 1964. A committee was set up to go through the proposed names. Oscar Kambona, Minister for External Affairs and Defense, chaired the Committee responsible for coming up with a short list. The Committee presented their suggestion to the Cabinet for final decision. The government wanted the new name to give a sense of unity and should be easy to pronounce. A prize of 10 Pounds was offered for the winner. More than 1,354 people turned in proposals. Proposals came from around the world including, China, Australia, and Poland. One teacher and his student in Arusha proposed the name Tangibar. Others proposed names included, Tanzan and Swahili. Sixteen people proposed the name Tanzania. There are many today who think that Mohamed Iqbal was the only person who came up with "Tanzania." Iqbal made the claim at a press conference in September 2003 that he was the sole winner of the contest. This claim continues to circulate as a fact. The claim is not true. There are questions about his whole claims to being one of the winners. For example, the certificate Iqbar present is written the Republic of Tanzania; that is not the official name of the country. More thorough research has to be done to confirm for sure if he belong to the list of the sixteen winners. An article published by the government paper in October 1964 reported twelve people came up with the name Tanzania. Another article of 2003 says it was sixteen people. The number sixteen is confirmed by one of the winners: Mustafa Pirmohamed. He received a letter from the Permanent Secretary, Ministery of Information and Tourism, naming him as one of the winners. The government does not appear to have made public names of the sixteen winners at the time. The winners received a letter and their share of the price. Mwalimu Nyerere announced the new name TANZANIA at a press conference in October 31, 1964. TAN stood for Tanganyika, ZAN for Zanzibar, and the suffix IA was added at the end.

©Azaria Mbughuni

The Zanzibar Revolution

On the morning of Saturday, January 11, 1964, Mr. Bott, the Head of the Zanzibar Special Branch, received a call from Abeid Amani Karume to meet him. Mr. Bott went to the ASP Headquarters immediately. He was conducted into a room where Karume, Jumbe and Saleh Sadalla were sitting. Karume told Bott that he "heard rumors from a woman whom they did not know... there might be trouble in Zanzibar that day." ASP was spilling out the beans to the government before the Revolution. Why?

The story of the Zanzibar Revolution is complicated, to say the least. Secrecy remains the order of the day. Countless books and articles have posited different ideas about exactly what took place in January 12, 1964. The ever elusive facts continue to evade the pens and papers of innumerable authors.

The Zanzibar Prime Minister, Muhammad Shamte, the Sultan, and other government officials were informed in advance of the troubles to come. Shamte ordered the police patrols to be increased and to remain vigilant against a planned attack.Large number of additional patrols were mounted, all Special Branch officers were sent out, and road blocks were set up during the day. More police were placed at the Sultan's palace and other important buildings. Ali Muhsin was informed about the plot and four police were sent to guard his home. News of the planned Revolution was no secret hours before it was supposed to be launched. A low level member of the ASP told an informer that there were plans to take over the police armoury. One of the most important operations of the Revolution-capturing weapons from the armoury-was known to the government officials in advance. Shamte was aware that there were plans to attack Arabs at night. The government had advance warning of the Revolution. Attempts by the Zanzibar intelligence apparatus to collect intelligence of the plot between the morning of January 11 and just before midnight was a total failure, or so it appears. The result was that the government underestimated the dangers and failed to take appropriate measures to prevent it. This was a colossal failure with dire consequences.

The government war against the UMMA party backfired in the worst ways. A series of events in the beginning of April, 1964 set the ball rolling for Babu and members of the UMMA party. On April 9, 1964, Abdulrahman Babu's daughter was run over by a car and killed; it was a tragic accident. The police searched for Babu everywhere, but could not find him. Babu and Hanga had escaped at night to Dar es Salaam. The government of Shamte raided UMMA offices and took out documents. The police also raided Babu's home and found a small handgun. Among the documents they found was a list with almost 1,000 members. The list included a large number of government employees. They also found Babu's diary written in Peking, China. It was a treasure trove of intelligence for the ZNP/ZPPP government and the colonial officials. Babu had escaped just before the police showed up at his house. He was alerted about the police search and knew of the troubles to come. Men trained in Cuba were returning to Zanzibar in small numbers at a time. Babu and the UMMA party were up to something.

Shamte and his government implemented a policy of "Zanzibarisation" of the police force shortly after coming to power. The Zanzibar government made the decision in November 1963 to remove all non-Zanzibari from the police force. The British colonial government had not recruited from mainland since 1959. Yet all the Inspectors and Senior NCOs were mainlander (from East and Southern Africa) with four to thirty five years experience in the police force. Of the 270 men in the force, only 90 were from Tanganyika, the rest were from South Africa, Malawi, Uganda, and elsewhere. Among the highly experienced police working for the Zanzibar government was the Assistant Superintendent of Police, Eddington Kissasi from Tanganyika. Ali Muhsin announced in numerous public events that "neither he nor the Government fully relied on the loyalty of the mainland members of the police force or indeed of any non-Zanzibaris members." This was a dangerous statement. Meanwhile plans were being made to bring in "advisors" from Egypt. It is obvious that Shamte, Muhsin, and the govenrment of Zanzibar had made a decision to embark on a policy of discrimination against mainlanders. It was a mistake they would pay dearly.

The ASP organized a large party on the evening of January 11, 1964 at their headquarters. Large number of ASP members and supporters attended the party. Some of the men were told to go to Seamens Union Club at Miembeni after the party was over. There they were met and addressed by Karume, Jumbe and Babu. Babu who was supposedly in Dar es Salaam, had slipped secretly to Zanzibar at night and then left for Dar es Salaam in the wee hours of the morning. At the meeting, the three leaders told the men not to be afraid to die. Karume did not hang around long; he got on a boat early morning and left for Dar es Salaam. Karume would not return to Zanzibar until much later on the evening of January 12th with about 12 armed men on a boat owned and operated by an Israeli named Mishah Feinsilber. Oscar Kambona and Job Lusinde were repordly there to see Karume and the men board the boat for Zanzibar. Some reports disputed Kambona's presence and claimed he was in Nairobi at the time. Whether Kambona was there or not cannot be confirmed, but it is clear that Lusinde was there. If Tanganyika had organized an elaborate plot to send fighters in Zanzibar, why would Karume and Babu scramble last minute to get help?

The Zanzibar government Minister received information that people from the mainland were about to enter Zanzibar illegally. They also claimed to have information that arms were being brought from the mainland. ZNP/ZPPP Ministers approached the police around November 11th and told the Police that they had information that men and weapons were about to enter Zanzibar from the mainland. The police acted immeditely and increased police roadblocks. Their search did not reveal any evidence of incoming mainlanders or weapons. A high ranking police would report "This was a very ancient fear of theirs." The British officers would later observe weapons, including Sten guns, carried by a few fighters who boarded a boat and escaped to Tanganyika. At first they claimed it was evidence that weapons from Tanganyika were brought to Zanzibar. Upon close examination of the registration numbers on the guns that were surrendered to Tanganyika police, the High ranking European police Commissioner familar with guns in the Zanzibar armory concluded that these were weapons from Zanzibar.

An Algerian ship landed in Tanganyika with a large cashe of weapons some time early January 1964. Documentation of arrangements for the Algerian arms and its storage is well documented. Some have made claims that the ship was sent to Tanganyika with weapons to be used in Zanzibar. This claim is outright..

John Okello was a...

The Legality of the Union

The legality of the Union has become a political pinata used by those determined to oppose the Union at all cost. The link with the mainland has become the focal point of criticism. Indeed, there are legit, intractable issues that mainlanders have mostly failed to address in the Isles. Members of the ruling class in Zanzibar have consistently tried to address some of the thorn issues with painfully slow success. Part of the blame here lies squarely with the establishment in Dar es Salaam. Putting aside legitimate concerns, there are those who seek to exploit differences and prevailing challenges to score political points and undermine the Union. Nothing has been more divisive and the subject of historical acrobatics than the question of the Union.

There are those who indulge themselves in a utopia of the pre-1964 era as if they had access to that world. This anachronistic perspective only serves to confuse a generation that is desperately searching for a better life. The phenomenon is not new. It is the result of powerful social forces; memories and realities are twisted and morphed to accomplish a political objective. Culture and faith are a powerful force to reckon with at this juncture. Cultural nationalism has produced some of the most powerful movements around the world. When an argument is put forth maintaining that a unique and vibrant culture is in jeopardy due to visible or invincible foreign forces, the outcome is a powerful motive to join forces for the motherland. Much of these forces have been used to set fire on the Union. Rightly or wrongly, the Union, and increasingly, the Revolution, have become their main target.

A prominent Tanzanian Professor trained in law (not history) researched Zanzibar and perused at least one government archives abroad, and concluded that there is no evidence the Articles of the Union were published in Zanzibar. On the other hand, he presumed that the Revolutionary Council passed the articles. Wolfgang Dourado maintained that no law ratifying the articles existed in Statute Books of Zanzibar while Aboud Jumbe vehemently denied claims that the Council met to ratify the Articles of the Union. There are no simple answers. It is difficult for those in either side of the debate to provide conclusive evidence, with the exception that no record has been found to date to show that the law was published. Let us first turn to the legality of the Union as an example.

The legal foundation of the new Zanzibar government was formed sometime in the period following the Revolution; this foundation did not exactly follow a linear trajectory. The context is everything in this case. A violent revolution followed by a cut-throat struggle for power shaped events that took place between January and April of 1964. The situation created an environment in which not all laws and normal procedures could be followed according to the book. Such is the realities of revolutions the world over. Zanzibar is no exception.

Leaders of different political groups from Zanzibar met in London, UK in 1963 to negotiate independence from Britain. The talks were held in Lancaster House in London. Ali Muhsin, Mohammed Shamte, Abdulrahman Babu, and Abeid Amani Karume were among those who took part in the talks. The ASP hired a Professor and lawyer named Thomas M. Franck to provide legal advise during the talks. The conference was a contentious one with all the divisive issues that divided the Island coming into the forefront. Professor Franck had taught at the University College, Dar es Salaam in 1963 and came into contact with members of ASP who sought his advice. The Zanzibar government did everything in their power to try to shape the Lancaster talks; they even tried to prevent Babu from attending meeting. The colonial officials and ZNP/ZPPP supporters were dismayed when they found out that Babu slipped out of Zanzibar, went to Dar es Salaam where he obtained a Tanganyika travel document, and proceeded to London. Franck helped prepare the ASP for the Lancaster House talks. He grew close to Karume, Makame, Jumbe, Hanga, and Babu. Franck would develop a close friendship with Karume. This friendship partly explains why he would eventually be asked to go back to Zanzibar in February of 1964. Professor Franck played an important role in shaping the legal foundation of the new government of Zanzibar. He drafted the first 9 Decrees that set the early legal foundation of the new government and provided important advise on how to proceed. According to at least one source, it is partly thanks to Franck that the very name People’s Republic of Zanzibar was adopted instead of just Zanzibar.

The legal team available to the new Government from February to April of 1964 was very limited. It was made up of three “Arab lawyers, a Goan, and two English magistrates.” Lack of enough legal experts that could be trusted meant that ASP leaders had to seek legal advise elsewhere. For example, during the troubles of 1961/1962, the ASP employed a lawyer from Ghana to help them in court. The Goan lawyer, Wolfgang Dourado, was among a few lawyers the new government retained. Dourado was born in Zanzibar, educated at St. Joseph’s Convent Zanzibar and later earned his law degree from London School of Economics. He would become Zanzibar’s first Attorney General after the Revolution. However, Zanzibar leaders wanted outside help in drafting new laws in early February 1964.

Karume asked Babu to see if they could invite Franck to take part in a Constitutional Conference in Zanzibar sometime in the end of January /beginning of February 1964. The conference was set for the second week of February 1964. Babu approached Kambona who was able to contact Franck. Franck arrived in Zanzibar on February 9th to take part in the conference. He had contemplated whether to accept the invitation or not and eventually decided to do it. Franck worked with Dourado and several other lawyers to come up with some kind of legal framework for the new government.

Professor Franck was one of the main legal advisors during the conference. He counseled Zanzibar leaders "not to draw a Constitution in a short time and rule by legal decrees until the situation was stable in several months or a year." Franck advised the new government that decrees were “not meant to be designated to establish a responsible democratic government and that well-devised decrees could be incorporated in the future constitution.” It was Franck who drafted the first nine decrees that were approved by the Government of Zanzibar and published between February and March of 1964. One of the decrees he helped draft included the Presidential Decree no. 9 of 1964. The decree stipulated a death sentence for any one who entered the Republic with intentions to organize “counter-revolutionary activities against the Government…”

In the midst of this confusing, dangerous, and fast evolving situation of January and February of 1964, not everything worked according to plans. A Revolution had just taken place, new leaders taking power did not have legal background or know how to set up laws, let alone abide by pre-existing laws to the teeth. How then can we expect a new administration with individuals struggling to assert power and establish a stable government in the two months following the Revolution, follow existing legal norms set by their predecessors as they seek to lay the groundwork for new laws?

Perhaps asking about the legality of the Union in this case may as be as good as asking about the legality of the Revolution itself. After all, those who are making a career out of attacking the Union also attack the very legitimacy of the Revolution. By arguing that the Revolution was plotted in Dar es Salaam and carried out by mainlanders, they seek to delegitimize the Revolution itself. It is a clever strategy! The strategy absolves ZNP/ZPPP of any responsibilities for their blunders in the course of 1963 and the dire consequence it had within the Isles itself. The Union with all its complexities was a product of the time....

Nearis Green Taught Jack Daniel the Art of Distilling Whiskey

History has its many twists and turns. It is often like chasing a gazelle on foot in the middle of the Serengeti. This is particularly true when trying to piece together stories about countless enslaved men and women who have made significant contributions in many different areas. The story of Nearis Green and his role in teaching the young Jack Daniel the art of distilling is one example.

I recently visited Lynchburg, Tennessee, home of Jack Daniel’s, one of the world’s best selling whiskeys. There is no doubt that Jack Daniel’s has become a well-known name to many people around the world. It is reported that over 275,000 people visit the distiller in Lynchburg, TN every year. Jack Daniel’s brought in a whopping $4 billion in sales in 2015. The company sales have increased over the years. The Telegraph reported in July 17, 2016 that Jack Daniel’s had become "Britain’s favourite" over traditional whiskeys. With the rising demand for Jack Daniel's, it is important to ask the question: who is the man behind this empire?

The prevailing narrative has been that the young Jasper Newton “Jack” Daniel went to work for a preacher and distiller named Dan Call sometime in the 1850s. According to that popular narrative, Mr. Call decided to teach the young Daniel how to run a whiskey still. The problem here is that history from the top is often selective and erasive, particularly when it comes to the contributions of enslaved people. Visiting the small Jack Daniel’s museum in Lynchburg, Tennessee or a quick visit to the official Jack Daniel’s website leaves one with little to no clues as to the contributions of enslaved African Americans in providing the young Jack Daniel with knowledge that allowed him to build one of the most successful distillers in the world. The company gives a little hint with an image of what is believed to be descendants of Nearis Green sitting next to Jack Daniels in their website
https://www.jackdaniels.com/en-us/our. Having African Americans sitting next to Jack Daniels in a portrait like this was highly unusual for the time. Jack Daniel’s has for over 150 years tried to ignore and even suppress the fact that Nearis Green, a man enslaved by Dan Call, was the man who taught Jack Daniel the art of distilling whiskey. We are told that as the company started researching the story of Nearis Green in anticipation of 150’s anniversary in 2016, they decided that the “contributions” of Nearis Green were “persuasive” and therefore “should be told.” It was the New York Times that broke the story in June 25, 2016- https://www.nytimes.com/…/jack-daniels-whiskey-nearis-green…

Nearis Green was born around 1820 and died in 1890. He was a master distiller. Green was enslaved by Dan Call. He eventually won his freedom. Green was among a group of enslaved Africans who did most of the work in the distiller owned by Dan Call. The African Americans had intimate knowledge of the distilling process; they were known to come up with new techniques that improved the whiskeys they made. Nearis Green was among the best when Jack Daniel showed up sometime in the 1850s. Several researchers confirm the encounter between the young Jack Daniel and Nearis Green. Dan Call was reported to have remarked to Jack Daniel “Uncle Nearest [Nearis] is the best whiskey maker that I know of,” he went on to say “I want” Jack Daniel “to become the world’s best whiskey distiller if he wants to be. You help me teach him.” Nearis Green made significant contributions to Jack Daniel’s brand. This fact eludes the millions of Jack Daniel’s drinkers. The company has for over one and a half century tried to erase this important part of history.

Why after 150 years does Jack Daniel's want to admit that Nearis Green made important contributions to the very foundation of the brand? This knowledge was not exactly a secret. Descendants of Nearis Green have known it all along and have been talking to those willing to listen. One such example is Claude Eady, a retired employee of Jack Daniel’s and a descendant of Nearis Green. The story of Nearis Green gives us an opportunity to think about a much bigger problem: the erasure of important contributions made by African Americans. It is clear that there would be no Jack Daniel’s as we know it today had it not been for Nearis Green. Learn your history!

Formation of the OAU and the Future of Africa

The Organization of the African Unity (OAU) was formed on May 25, 1963 in Adis Ababa, Ethiopia. The OAU Charter was a compromise between three main groups: the Casablanca group, Monrovia, and Brazzaville. The Casablanca group was the first to be formed. It was made up of UAR, Morocco, Libya, Ghana, Guinea, and the Algerian Govenrment in Exile. This group called for political union and the total liberation of Africa. The Monrovia Group was made up of Senegal, Cameroon, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, and Liberia. The Monrovia group called for a loose collaboration between African states. The Brazzaville group was the third and last' it was made up of former French speaking African countries including, Ivory Coast and Madagascar. Tanzania (then Tanganyika) shifted alligiance from the Casablanca and eventually to the Monrovia group. The heads of states were divided when they sat down to discuss the establishment of an African organization. A committee was eventually formed and Oscar Kambona, the Tanganyika Foreign Minister, was elected to Chair the committee tasked with drafting a charter for the new organization. Three proposals were presented. The Casablanca group was led by Ghana. Nigeria presented a second proposal that was part of the larger Monrovia group, although they had formed a smaller group known as the "Lagos Group." Ethiopia presented the third proposal. The representative from Ghana called for the immediate formation of the United States of Africa. The Nigerian delegate responded by saying "We should walk before we ran" and proposed a loose organization of African states. The Casablanca proposal for establishing the "United States of Africa" was defeated during the voting. The so-called Lagos group and Tanganyika went on to propose a clause calling for respect for the integrity of existing boundaries. Many Pan Africanist assert that this clause killed any hope for the establishment of the United States of Africa. Other Pan Africanists maintain that it was premature to call for the immediate formation of the United States of Africa. Either way, leaders from independent African nations and liberation movements went to Ethiopia in May of 1963 to witness the formation of the OAU. This was an important moment for Africa; an opportunity for Africa to work towards forging meaningful political unity and fighting to liberate Africans. While the campaign for building political unity failed, the goal of ending colonialism and apartheid was a success; this success was achieved by the committment of a handful of African countries without the support of the majority of OAU members. Today a new organization has taken the place of OAU: African Unity (AU). Although Africa succeeded in eradicating foreign political rule, neo-colonialism and imperialism remains strong today more than ever. Africa is divided and the shift towards further disintegration is on the horizon. Even countries that once appeared to be stable, show signs of breaking up to smaller entities. One of the richest continents in the world remains one of the poorest. We have learned today from the Tanzanian President that one foreign company (ACACIA) has extracted close to an estimated $70 billion in gold and other minerals from Tanzania while paying pennies in taxes in a period of about 18 years. Some say the ammount is equivalent to the budget of Tanzania for six years. I ask myself why, why, why? What good is this "political" independence without economic independence? If one company is able to do this, what else is happening in other sectors? If this is happening to Tanzania, what is happening to Niger, Angola, Ethiopia, Mauritania, and other African countries? The answer is probably the same. It is time to wake up and start a new phase of the struggle. There are no simple solutions. But together we can!

Ku Klux Klan (KKK): Kikundi cha Magaidi Marekani

Ugaidi sio kitu kipya duniani. Katika historia ya binadamu kuna mifano mingi watu au kikundi cha watu wametumia imani zao kuhalalisha ukatili usio na kifani. Hakuna kikundi kilicho mwaga damu Marekani kama KKK (Ku Klux Klan). Nilipata nafasi ya kutembelea Pulaski, Tennessee, kuona pahali KKK iliundwa. Pulaski, Tennessee ni mji ambao kikundi hichi cha kigaidi, kikundi kilichopata sifa kubwa ya uuaji wa kikatili, ubakaji, ulipuaji mabomu na mambo mengine mengi ya kikatili, kiliundwa mnamo mwaka 1866.

Pamoja na kwamba zaidi ya miaka 150 imepita tangu KKK iundwe, uamuzi wa kutembelea mji na nyumba ambayo kikundi hicho kiliundwa haukuwa rahisi. Haikuchukua muda mrefu kuliona jengo ambalo wazungu wa kusini waliopigana vita vya mwaka 1861-65 kati ya Marekani ya Kusini na Kaskazini walikutana na kuamua kuanzisha kikundi chao. Moja ya sababu ya hivyo vita ilikuja kuwa utumwa. Mwanzoni watu wa kusini Marekani walitaka kuachiwa waamue wenyewe sera zao, pamoja na ya utumwa. Kwa upande wa Kaskazini, wao walikuwa wanataka kujaribu kupunguza utumwa. Vita vilipoanza mwaka 1861 ilikuwa kwasababu sehemu za kusini zilitaka kujitenga na Kaskazini wakaanza vita ili kuhakikisha nchi haigawanyika. Mwanzoni hata watu wa Kaskazini pamoja na raisi Abraham Lincoln hawakuwa na nia ya kuondoa utumwa. Nia yao ilikuwa ni kuhakikisha nchi inabaki moja. Baada ya kama mwaka mmoja wa vita, upande wa Kaskazini ukastuka kwamba wa kusini walikuwa wanatumia watumwa kujijenga kwenye vita na kwamba wanaweza kuwashinda kusini kama wakitangaza utumwa umekwisha kusini. Hilo Lincoln alitanganza mwaka 1863. Vita hivi havikuanza kwasababu ya utumwa tuu, ila utumwa ukaja kuwa sababu kubwa ya hio vita na chanzo cha ushindi wa kaskazini baadae.

Turudi kwa askari waliopigana upande wa kusini, mnamo mwaka 1866, karibu mwaka baada ya vita kuisha, kikundi cha watu walikutana kwenye ofisi ya kinyozi wakaunda KKK huko Pulaski, Tennessee. Kikundi hichi cha kigaidi kilitumia nguvu, vitisho, umwagaji wa damu kuhakikisha watu weusi wanaoishi kusini wanarudi karibu na utumwa ingawa utumwa ulisha katazwa kutokana na sheria mpya za nchi. Katika mkutano wao wa kwanza mkubwa uliofanyika Nashville, Tennessee, viongozi walikuja kutoka miji mingi ya kusini, pamoja na Generali Nathan Bedford Forrest, mkuu wa majeshi ya kusini wakati wa vita. Generali Forrest alipewa cheo cha Grand Wizard wa KKK, mkuu wa kwanza wa KKK.

Kati ya 1868 na 1870, KKK ilihakikisha watu weupe wanashika sehemu zote za kusini kwa kutumia mabavu. Hatuwezi kujua watu weusi wangapi waliuliwa kikatili kuhakikisha watu weupe wanashika tena Marekani ya kusini. Wanasiasa karibu wote kuanzia Majaji na wakuu wa polisi (sheriffs) wanaochaguliwa kwenye uchaguzi wote walikuwa wanachama wa KKK. Kulikua hakuna haki kwa mtu mweusi kuanzia polisi mpaka mahakamani. Walikuwa wanakuja mchana nyumbani kwa mtu, wanamchukua na kumuua wazi kikatili kwa visababu tafauti, kama mtu kamsalimia mwanamke mzungu au visababu vingine visivyo na msingi; cha muhimu, na nia yao kubwa, ilikuwa kuwatisha watu weusi wabaki chini.

KKK ilikuja kuwa na wanachama wengi zaidi mwanzo wa karne ya ishirini. Inasemekana walikuwa na wanachama zaidi ya milioni nne katika Marekani kipindi hicho. Wanasiasa wengi walikuwa wanachama wa wazi wa KKK hadi miaka ya 1920. Mmoja wao alikuwa ni Hugo L. Black, jaji wa mahakama kuu ya Marekani.

Ni vigumu kusema watu wangapi waliuliwa na KKK. Lakini kuna wanaosema watu 4000 waliuliwa na kikundi hicho. Ukweli hatutaujua, kwani kuna wengi zaidi waliuliwa na hamna aliyetoa ripoti. Kuna mauji ya kikatili ya mji mzima wa watu weusi Tulsa, Oklahoma 1921, mauaji ya Emmet Till Mississippi 1955, mauaji ya Medgar Evers, bomu lilioua watoto kanisani Birmingham, Alabama 1963, na mauaji ya Jason Smith Louisiana 2011, yote yalifanywa na wanachama wa KKK. Smith walimkuta ametolewa utumbo ingiwa wanasema alizama kwenye maji. Mateso na taabu walizopata watu weusi Marekani kwa sababu ya hawa magaidi ni vigumu kueleza ieleweke. Leo hii kuna wazungu wengi ambao bado wanafuata sera za KKK ingiwa wanajificha na sio rahisi kuwajua. Baadhi yao ndio wanaongoza hii nchi. Tafakari hawa watu wanaoendesha nchi hii wanaangaliaje watu weusi, Waafrika, na watu wengine wasio wazungu leo hii!

Nilipita na kupiga picha kwenye hilo jengo la KKK nikajiondokea Pulaski, Tennessee. Sina mpango wa kutembelea mji huo tena, labda nirudi kupigana vita dhidi ya ubaguzi wa rangi na unyanyasaji wa binadamu wenzangu. Hapo nitarudi na kusimama na mkono mmoja juu!