Mozambique won independence on June 25, 1975

Mozambique won independence on June 25, 1975. Independence came exactly thirteen years after FRELIMO was founded in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (then Tanganyika), June 25, 1962. The struggle for independence was long and bloody. The Mueda massacre of June 18, 1960 was a turning point for the struggle; well over 600 innocent civilians were dead when the Portuguese stopped shooting in the northern province of Cabo Delgado. The massacre convinced many in Mozambique that the time had come to wage war on Portugal. Thousands of refugees slipped through the border to Tanzania. The first batch of recruits travelled to Algeria from Tanganyika to receive military training in 1963. Trained FRELIMO soldiers returned to camps in Kongwa, Tanzania and eventually Nachingwea on the border with Mozambique. FRELIMO waged a brilliant guerilla warfare against the Portuguese between 1964 and 1974. Tens of thousands of Mozambicans sacrificed their lives in order to win independence. Their sacrifices paid off when the country won independence in 1975. Tanzania fully backed the struggle for independence in Mozambique. It was because of this help that FRELIMO sent Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere a letter in July 1968 thanking Tanzania for their support.

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Tanganyika Cabinet 1963

Tanganyika Cabinet 1963:

Julius K. Nyerere, 41 years old, President
Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa, 34 years old, Vice-President
Sheikh Amri Karuta Abedi, 39 years old, Minister of Justice
Derek Noel Maclean Bryceson, 40 years old, Minister of Agriculture
Clement George Kahama, 34 years old, Minister of Commerce
Oscar Salathiel Kambona, 35 years old, Minister of External Affairs and Defense
Job Malecela Lusinde, 32 years old, Minister of Home Affairs
Amir H. Jamal, 41 years old, Minister of Communication
Paul Bomani, 38 years old, Minister of Finance
Alhaj Tewa Said Tewa, 37 years old, Minister of Lands
Jeremiah Sam Kasambala, 38 Years old, Minister of Co-operative and Community Development
Solomon Nkya Eliufoo, 42 years old, Minister of Education
Saidi Ali Maswanya, 39 years old, Minister of Health
Michael Kamaliza, 33 years old, Minister of Labor
Austine K.E. Shaba, 38 years old, Minister of Local Government
L. Nang’wanda Sijaona, 35 years old, Minister of National Culture and Youth
Nsilo Swai, 38 years old, Minister of Development Planning

1950s was the year of independence for North Africa.

1950s was the year of independence for North Africa. Libya won independence in 1951, followed by Egypt in 1952, Tunisia 1956 and Morocco in 1956. There was even hope for Sudan in 1956 when it sent the British packing; it would take brothers and sisters in southern Sudan another 55 years to assert their right to be. The plight of Sub-Saharan Africa appeared dim in the 1950s; so it seemed. It took the lone start of Africa, the coast of gold, almost one hundred years to send the British back home: Ghana became the first sub-Saharan country to win independence in March 6, 1957. The events taking place in West Africa would have a profound impact on the struggle in East, Central, and Southern Africa.

Ghana’s independence was a turning point for the struggle for freedom and independence in Africa. Africans still under the colonial yoke turned to Ghana for inspiration in 1957. Kwame Nkrumah understood the importance of Ghana’s independence for Africa; he proclaimed eloquently in March of 1957 that Ghana’s independence was nothing if the rest of Africa remained under colonial rule. It was a powerful statement at one of the most important moments in the continent’s history. The 35 year-old leader from Tanganyika, Julius K. Nyerere was in Ghana to witness this momentous occasion in 1957; it would shape his future vision of Africa!

Nkrumah used Ghana’s first independence celebration of March 1958 as an opportunity to bring together leaders from various parts of Africa and the African Diaspora. Nkrumah sent an invitation to a 36 year-old rising politician from Tanzania (then Tanganyika), Julius K. Nyerere once again. The invitation was sent by Nkrumah’s Secretary and it offered to pay for all the expenses for the trip. Nkrumah had identified Nyerere as one of the most important rising stars in Africa; he accommodated Nyerere at his home in Accra for almost two weeks. Nyerere was the only leader who stayed in Nkrumah’s home during Ghana’s first independence celebrations in 1958.

The experience had a profound impact on the 36 year-old politician from East Africa. Nyerere had followed events in the Gold Coast (Ghana) as a student in Edinburg, Scotland. He studied Ghana’s CPP constitution closely when he sat down to draft TANU’s constitution in 1954. While Kenya was burning during the Mau Mau rebellion, Nyerere steered Tanganyika in the direction of Ghana's "Positive Action." Yet both leaders would put their full weight behind the armed struggle in the first half of the 1960s when all peaceful avenues were shut down.

Nkrumah and Nyerere were committed to the struggle for freedom and independence. The two leaders shared the ultimate goal of freeing and uniting Africa. Scholars will continue to debate the differences in their approaches to achieving Pan-African unity; but their ultimate determination to support the struggle for freedom and unity was the same and their efforts remains unparalleled to this day.

As I reflect on the work of these two African giants, I marvel at the advances we have made and remain hopeful at the challenging work that confronts us at this important juncture. From Cape to Cairo, from Dakar to Mogadishu, the African, whether it be in Africa or the Diaspora, in Rio de Janeiro or London, Bandar Abbas or Karnataka, Canberra or Port Moresby, is yet to assert their rightful place under the Sun. This is a struggle for humanity!

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Mahatma Gandhi’s Visit to a “Negro” Brothel in Zanzibar

Gandhi spent several days in Zanzibar in 1912. Much has been said about his meetings with various people in the Zanzibar, including members of the Asian community in the island. There is even a famous picture of him in Zanzibar. Much less has been said about his encounter with an African woman at a brothel. Gandhi visited Zanzibar in 1912 while on his way to South Africa. Gandhi wrote in his autobiography that the Captain of the ship liked him very much. The captain invited Gandhi and an English friend to accompany him to the city while the ship docked at the harbor. The three men went to a “Negro women’s quarters.” Gandhi was shown into a room where an African woman was waiting. Gandhi wrote years later that “I simply stood there dumb with shame. Heaven only knows what the poor woman must have thought of me.” Gandhi was eventually called by the Captain to leave the quarters. He felt ashamed. He went on to say: “I thanked God that the sight of the woman had not moved me in the least. I was disgusted at my weakness and pitied myself for not having had the courage to refuse to go into the room.” This, according to Gandhi, was the third trial of its kind for him. 

And so there it was: Gandhi being tempted by an African woman when he first landed in East Africa.

Viva the Union!

Viva the Union!
Karume and Nyerere in Dar es Salaam soon after exchanging instruments of Union, 1964

Ushirikiano wa TANU na ASP kabla ya 1964

Ushirikiano wa TANU na ASP kabla ya 1964 

Part II: http://www.jamhurimedia.co.tz/ushirikiano-wa-tanu-na-asp-kabla-ya-1964-2/

Part III: http://www.jamhurimedia.co.tz/ushirikiano-wa-tanu-na-asp-kabla-ya-1964-3/

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

An African Hero: Mkwawa and the War Against Germany

An African Hero: Mkwawa and the War Against Germany

There are moments in history that compels us to stop and reflect. We can learn something important about us as a people, a nation, a continent, by examining those moments closely. The destruction of the famed German Kaiserlich Schutztruppe in what is today southwest Tanzania in 1891 is one of those moments. Heroes come few and far in between. The Hehe Chief Mkwavinyika Mungigumba Mwamuyinga or better known as Mkwawa, is one of those leaders who will go down in history as one of the greatest African leaders. This is one of those moments in time that we must remember and cherish!

For every story, there is a story teller. A thin, tall, polite, and unassuming man used to visit our home at Chuo Kikuu in the early 1980s. He was none other than Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, the grandson of the legendary leader Mkwawa. Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa was a larger than life figure for me, a towering giant with a powerful voice and an contagious laughter. Do not be misled by his pleasant demeanor; Chief Adam Sapi was a fierce fighter for independence. He was the speaker of the Parliament in the 1980s. The visits by this distinguished leader to our home nudged my curiosity for history, and Mkwawa, in particular. But before I get ahead of myself, this is not a story about me; it is with the story of Mkwawa that I seek to reclaim here. Who is Mkwawa and how did he uphold the dignity of Africa?

Mkwawa was born in 1855 in Luhota, Iringa in what is now southwest Tanzania. He was the second son of Chief Munyigumba. His full name was Chief Mkwavinyika Munyigumba Mwamuyinga. The name Mkwawa came from Mukwava, which was shortened from Mukwavinyika. Chief Munyigumba succeeded in bringing together over one hundred clans to form a powerful state with a centralized government around 1860. A power struggle ensued after the death of Munyigumba between Mkwawa and Mwamubambe. Mkwawa was the victor when all the dust settled by 1880. He then set out to consolidate his empire. This was a bloody and costly endeavor. No one said empire building was a bloodless endeavor.

Mkwawa was at the pinnacle of power in the last quarter of the 19th century. This was a period of great turmoil in Africa. The demise of the institution of slavery in the western world led to the quest for new ways of exploiting Africa and its people. The conclusion of the Berlin Conference in 1885 came just twenty years after slavery was abolished in the USA. The last vestiges of slavery were not abolished in Brazil until 1888. The invasion of Africa, therefore, came shortly after the institution of slavery was abolished in the West by some of the most powerful nations. New ways of exploiting Africa and its people was put into place.

After exploiting the continent for its labor force, working countless souls to death in the New World, Europeans and their counterparts in the Americas, utilized the capital they accumulated to industrialize and build their nations. It was the beginning of a new era of capitalism. Once again, Africa became the focal point of European interest in the quest for wealth. East Africa would become the new theater of capitalist onslaught.

Europeans viewed East Africa as a place with great potential for generating wealth. Africa had untapped mineral resources, abundant labor, and markets for manufactured products. Prevailing pseudo-scientific publications purported black African intellectual inferiority; such studies were partly used to justify European invasion of the continent. Social Darwinists were busy painting Africans as savages who needed to be guided like children into civility. Civilization, so they claimed, had not touched this part of the world. The Hehe under their abled leader Mkwawa would challenge these myths on the ground at the Battle of Lugalo. 

The German commander in East Africa, Emil von Zelewski, decided to personally head German forces against the Hehe in 1891. The Germans called their African army Kaiserliche Schutztruppe at the time. The African soldiers would eventually become known as Askaris. Zelewski commanded over three hundred Askaris, thirteen European officers, and hundreds of African porters in August of 1891 when he ventured towards the Hehe capital in Iringa in what is today southwest Tanzania. It is safe to say that this was a fight between two groups of African soldiers; one group fighting for their land (Hehe) and another (Askaris) fighting for Germany. 

The 1891 Battle of Lugalo goes down as one of the best battles in military history. The Hehe had a superior intelligence gathering organization. It was made up of Wahandisi who were placed about four days walk from their main forces. Another group called Wadagandaga were stationed several hours in front of the Hehe army. Information was collected and forwarded to Hehe commanders. Mkwawa was well informed about the Schetztruppe as they advanced towards Iringa in August 1891. Hehe commanders evaluated the situation and decided to avoid an open battle in the valley with the enemy forces. The Schetzruppe had artillery, machine guns, and rifles. The Hehe had a few muskets, shields and stabbing spears. Mkwawa and his commanders decided on a brilliant plan. The Hehe army would attack the Schetztruppe at a rocky gorge near Lugalo. It was a narrow path that enemy forces had to pass through on their way to Iringa.

Hehe soldiers waiting patiently on August 17, 1891 as enemy forces approached. Zelewski led his forces in the front on a donkey. The Hehe attacked with lighting speed. The Schetztruppe were caught by surprise. What followed was mostly hand to hand combat. At the end of the battle, only about sixty four Askaris and two or three German officers lived to tell the story. Zelewski’s body laid lifeless on the ground. A sixteen year old Hehe warrior stabbed and killed him on the spot. 

This was the worst defeat in the history of Schutzetruppe!

Zelewski was arrogant. He never thought Africans were capable of such brilliant planning and execution. Many historians focus on Zelewski’s mistakes. Such approach misses an important lesson: the Hehe victory was a result of a brilliant battle plan. The victory at the Battle of Lugalo places Mkwawa next to some of the best military minds of the time.

The Germans were forced to go back to the drawing board and rethink their strategy against the Hehe. The self-delusional ideas about African inability to use their intellect, if they had it at all, had to be reconsidered. The Germans spent the next three years organizing and preparing to defeat the Hehe and kill Mkwawa. A German captain Tom Prince, one of the survivors of the Battle of Lugalo, vowed to avenge “German honor” as he would later write in his book Gegen Araber und Wahehe (Against Arabs and Wahehe). It would take considerable efforts and resources to defeat the Hehe. One of the lessons for the Germans was that they had to forge alliance with African rulers. Through scorched Earth policy, capturing and imprisoning Hehe women, alliances with Hehe enemies, the Germans eventually succeeded in isolating Mkwawa after 1894. The end would not come until July 1898 when Mkwawa decided to shoot himself when he was surrounded by the German forces. It was the beginning of the end to one of the most important moments in Africa’s history.

The Germans cut off Mkwawa’s head and sent it to Germany. It was difficult for them to believe that an African was capable of doing what Mkwawa and the Hehe did to them. The Hehe never seized in their quest to have Mkwawa’s skull returned. The Hehe sent delegations to British colonial authorities demanding the return of the skull starting in 1918 at the conclusion of World War I. A section was inserted in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles requesting Germany to return the skull. The Hehe wanted the skull of their leader back; they believed that Mkwawa’s spirit would not join the great ancestors until the skull was returned.

Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa met with the British Governor, Sir Edward Twining, in 1951 in Iringa. He asked the Governor to request Germany to return the skull to Tanzania (then Tanganyika). It would take the British colonial government two years to find the skull and another year to return it to Tanzania. Mkwawa’s skull was housed at a museum in Bremen, Germany. The Germans had denied its presence all along. 

Mkwawa's skull was kept together with 2,000 other human skulls from Africa. The team searching for the skull identified 84 skulls from German East Africa; they were able to identify Mkwawa’s skull by comparing his measurements to those of family members. Furthermore, the skull had a bullet hole through the temple.

The skull was returned to Tanzania and handed over to Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa in Iringa July 9,1954. It was a triumphant moment for the Hehe and the young nation in the making. The spirit of this great African was free to join the ancestors. Just a month after the return of the skull, a national independence organization, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), was formed. Mkwawa had his last revenge on the colonialists. Tanganyika won independence in 1961. The dignity of Africa was upheld once and for all!

Longer version of this article will be coming to you soon. Stay tuned!
*Perhaps the time has come to conduct DNA testing to confirm the authenticity of the skull and not rely on circumstantial evidence.

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

The Genius that is Mkwawa: reclaiming Tanzania's history

The Genius that is Mkwawa: reclaiming Tanzania's history

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Oscar Kambona from Tanzania was Chairman of the Political Committee that drafted the OAU charter in 1963

The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded on this day, May 25, 1963. Oscar Kambona from Tanzania was Chairman of the Political Committee that drafted the OAU charter in 1963

Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa aka Simba wa Vita: Unsung Hero!

Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa aka Simba wa Vita: Unsung Hero!

Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa was born on this day, May 27, 1926. He made significant contributions to Tanzania (Tanganyika) during the period of the struggle for independence and after the country gained independence in 1961. One such contributions took place in January of 1964 during one of the low points in the young nation's history. Kawawa, then the Vice President, narrowly escaped soldiers who went to the State House to make their demands on January 20, 1964. He, together with President Nyerere, were whisked away to safety by Peter Bwimbo, Head of the Presidential Security unit. Exactly what would have happened had the soldiers gained access to the two leaders will remain a matter of speculation. Kawawa was the one given the task to write a formal letter requesting British intervention. On January 24, 1964, Kawawa handed a letter to Oscar Kambona and Paul Bomani to take to Stephen Miles, the British High Commissioner in Tanganyika. Kambona and Bomani arrived at the British High Commissioner's residency 4:45 pm on January 24,1964 with the letter; it was short and to the point. This was the beginning of the end for the army mutiny!

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Kongwa: Mama wa Majeshi ya Nchi za Afrika ya Kusini na Kati

Kongwa: Mama wa Majeshi ya Nchi za Afrika ya Kusini na Kati

Kama tunaweza kuandika orodha ya kambi kumi muhimu kihistoria za kijeshi Afrika nzima, naweza kusema bila kusita Kongwa itakuwepo kwenye orodha hiyo. Hata kama sisi tukilala usingizi na historia yetu, viongozi wa nchi za Afrika kamwe hawatasahau Kongwa. Hakuna viongozi wengi wakubwa wa majeshi ya nchi za Afrika ya kusini sasa hivi ambao hawakuguswa kwa namna moja au nyingine na Kongwa. Kongwa ina historia muhimu sana sio tu kwa Tanzania, bali kwa Afrika nzima. Hii ni moja ya sehemu ya historia inayotupa nafasi ya kujivunia kama watanzania. Mchango wa Tanzania katika harakati za ukombozi wa Afrika ni mkubwa sana. Kambi ya wanajeshi ya Kongwa, Dodoma, inatupa mfano mmoja wa namna Tanzania ilijitolea ili wengine wapate uhuru.

Mnamo mwaka 1964, serikali ya Tanganyika (Tanzania baada ya 1964) ilitoa sehemu ambayo ilifanywa shamba na serikali ya kikoloni iwe kambi ya wanajeshi. Kutokana na msimamo wa serikali ya Tanganyika chini ya uongozi wa Nyerere, Kawawa, Kambona na wengine, nchi za Afrika ziliamua Tanganyika iwe makao makuu ya Kamati ya ukombozi wa nchi za Afrika ya OAU mnamo mwaka 1963. Uamuzi huu ulionyesha jinsi gani Tanganyika ilikubalika kama nchi inayojali na kusaidia harakati za uhuru. Uamuzi ulifanywa na serikali ya Tanganyika kufungua kambi ya wanajeshi Kongwa. Kambi hiyo ilikuwa itumike kutoa mafunzo ya kijeshi kwa watu kutoka nchi za Africa.

Chama cha Namibia, SWAPO, kilipeleka watu wake kwenye kambi ya Kongwa. Kuanzia mwaka 1962, Sam Nujoma alifanya makubaliano na serikali ya Tanganyika ili wanamibia 200 waliojitolea waje Tanganyika, na kutoka hapo, waende nchi nyingine kwa mafunzo ya kijeshi. Wendi wao walienda Egypt kupata mafunzo hayo. Wengine walipelekwa Algeria mwaka 1963. Wengi wao walienda Kongwa walipomaliza mafunzo yao. Wanajeshi wa kwanza kutoka Namibia kwenda Kongwa walifika mnamo April 1964. Waliendelea na mazoezi na mafunzo ya kivita Kongwa. Waliohitimu walianza kufundisha wengine walioletwa moja kwa moja kutoka Namibia. Mnamo mwaka 1965, vijana sita waliopata mafunzo ya kivita walirudi Namibia kwa siri na kuanza opereshini ya ukombozi. Miungoni mwao alikuwa Simeon Tshihungeleni na Johannes Otto Nankudhu. Mnamo mwezi Agosti 1966, kundi lingine lilipenya na kuingia Namibia. Hilo lilikuwa kundi la kwanza kufyatua risasi ndani ya Namibia Agosti 1966; wengi katika kundi hilo walikua Kongwa na silaha walizotumia walizipata Tanzania.

Wanajeshi kutoka Mozambique walianza kuingia Kongwa mwezi Aprili 1964. Katika kundi la kwanza kuja Kongwa alikuwepo Samora Machel. Samora Machel alikuwa ni mmoja wa vijana waliopita Tanganyika mwanzoni wa mwaka 1963 kwenda kupata mafunzo ya kijeshi Algeria. Yeye na wenzake walikuwa miungoni mwa watu wa kwanza kuingia Kongwa na kuanza kuijenga kambi hiyo. Wanajeshi wa FRELIMO na SWAPO waliungana pamoja na kuanza kukarabati jengo la shule na kulifanya jengo la kambi. Pia waliweka senyenge kutenganisha kambi ya FRELIMO na SWAPO. Ikumbukwe kwamba chama cha FRELIMO kilianzishwa Dar es Salaam hapo awali mwaka 1962 baada ya Mwalimu Nyerere kuwaambia viongozi wa vikundi mbali mbali lazima waungane au waondoke Tanganyika.

Ilipofika mwezi wa Mei mwaka 1964, wanajeshi wa SWAPO na FRELIMO wakatoka kwenye matenti na kuingia kwenye kambi mpya waliojenga: Kongwa. Ni muhimu kukumbaka kwamba pamoja na serikali ya Tanganyika kujitolea sehemu hio iwe kambi ya kijeshi, wananchi wa maeneo ya Kongwa walijitolea sana kwa hali na mali kusaidia wanajeshi hao mwanzoni.

Kwa upande wa FRELIMO, kulikuwa na wanajeshi zaidi ya 250 ilipofika mwishoni wa mwezi Septemba 1964. Kundi la kwanza lilipenya kutoka Tanganyika na kuingia Msumbiji kaskazini mwanzoni wa Septemba 1964. Risasi na bunduki walizotumia walizipata Tanganyika. Silaha hizo zilitolewa na nchi tofauti na zikakabidhiwa serikali ya Tanganyika ili iwape wapiganaje wa nchi za Afrika. Huu ndio ulikua mwanzo wa vita vya kukomboa Msumbiji. FRELIMO iliondoa wanajeshi wake Kongwa na kuwapeleka kambi nyingine baada ya mwaka 1966; Nachingwea ikawa kambi kubwa na muhimu ya FRELIMO.

Chama cha African National Congress (ANC) cha Afrika Kusini kilipeleka baadhi ya watu wake wa kwanza waliojitolea kupigana Kongwa.ANC iliita jeshi lake Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK). Watu kutoka Afrika Kusini walianza kuingia Tanganyika kwa wingi kuanzia mwaka 1962. Wengi walipitia Tanganyika wakati wanaenda kupata mafunzo ya kivita, mwanzoni China na watu wachache, na baadae Urusi. Lakini ilikuwa mnamo mwaka 1963 ambapo wengi wao walipita Tanganyika na kwenda Urusi kwa mafunzo. Walianza kurudi Tanganyika mwaka 1964 baada ya kufudhu mafunzo. Ni muhimu kukumbusha kwamba hata hizo safari za kwenda nchi nyingine kupitia Tanganyika, ziliwezeshwa kwa kupitia hati za kusafiri walizopewa na serikali ya Tanganyika. Hili lilifanywa sio tu kwa Afrika Kusini, bali hata nchi nyingine za Afrika. Baadhi ya wanajeshi wa MK wa Luthuli Detachment waliopigana Wankie Kampeni kule Zimbabwe pamoja na ZAPU mwaka 1967, walikua Kongwa. Chris Hani alikuwa ni mmoja wa wanajeshi wachache waliofanikiwa kutoraka maadui katika opereshini hio na kukimbia Botswana.

Vyama kutoka Angola na Zimbabwe vilipeleka wapiganaji wake Kongwa. Chama cha MPLA cha Angola kilipeleka wanajeshi wake Kongwa mnamo mwaka 1965. MPLA ilitumia Kongwa kama sehemu ya kutoa mafunzo ya kivita kwa wanajeshi wake. MPLA haikuwa na wanajeshi wengi Kongwa. Pamoja na hayo baadhi ya wapiganaji wa kwanza wa MPLA waliofungua uwanja mpya wa mapambano Angola eneo la mashariki mwaka 1965 walikua Kongwa na baadae Zambia. Hata wanajeshi wa UNITA, walikua 11, walikaa Kongwa na wanajeshi wa SWAPO mwaka 1965 baada ya kufudhu mafunzo yao China.

Wapiganaji wa Zimbabwe wa chama cha ZAPU ni miungoni wa wanajeshi waliofika Kongwa mwaka 1965. ZAPU haikua na wanajeshi wengi Kongwa; wanajeshi hao walihamishwa na kupelekwa Zambia. Baadhi ya wanajeshi hao walipigana pamoja na MK kwenye Wankie Kampeni ya mwaka 1967 Wanajeshi wa ZANU pia walikuwepo Kongwa. Lakini wanajeshi wa ZANU baadae walipelekwa kwenye kambi ya Itumbi iliyopo Chunya, Mbeya.

Kongwa ni muhimu kwasababu ilitoa nafasi kwa wanajeshi kutoka nchi tofauti za Afrika kusini na kati kupata sehemu ya kufanya mafunzo na mazoezi ya kivita. Lakini pia, Kongwa ni muhimu kwasababu ilitoa nafasi kwa wanajeshi kutoka sehemu tofauti za Afrika kubadilishana mawazo na kupata kujuana. Pia hata wanajeshi waliotoka nchi moja, wengi walikua wanatoka makabila tofauti; Kongwa iliwapa nafasi ya kujifunza kujiunga pamoja. Kwa mfano, watu wa makabila tofauti kutoka Namibia walijikuta wanaisha pamoja sehemu moja na hivyo kulazimika kujifunza kuishi pamoja na kusaidiana.

Huu ni wakati muafaka kujikumbusha mchango mkubwa uliotolewa na Tanzania kusaidia harakati za ukombozi wa Afrika. Kuna mengi tunaweza kuongeza tunapoongelea mchango wa Tanzania, lakini kambi ya Kongwa ni mfano mmoja mzuri unaoonyesha mchango mkubwa uliotolewa na serikali na wananchi wa Tanzania. Na pia tukumbuke kwamba Kongwa haikuwa peke yake; baadae kambi nyingine zilifunguliwa Mgagao, SOMAFCO, Nachingwea, Bagamoyo, na Itumbi. 

Mchango wa Tanzania katika harakati za ukombozi wa Africa ni mkubwa sana. Hili ni jambo moja linalotakiwa kumfanya kila Mtanzania ajisikie ufahari mkubwa. Na kwa kutoa mchango huu, tukumbuke kwamba Tanzania iliadhibiwa sana kiuchumi na kwa namna nyingine. Lakini hilo halikututingisha; tulisimama imara kama nchi na kuhakikisha zile haki za binadamu, kama uhuru, haukanyagwi. Leo hii tunaweza kusema kwa tabasamu kubwa kwamba Kongwa ilikuwa ni mama wa majeshi tunayoyaona nchi za kusini mwa Afrika na kati.

Aluta Continua!
Azaria Mbughuni
Azmbughuni@gmail.com

Sam Nujoma, raisi wa kwanza wa Namibia, alikua anasafiri na pasipoti ya Tanzania.

Je unajua kwamba Sam Nujoma, raisi wa kwanza wa Namibia, alikua anasafiri na pasipoti ya Tanzania. Huu ni mfano mmoja tu. Pasipoti ya Tanzania ilikuwa kama almasi. Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Samora Machel, Robert Mugabe na viongozi wengine wengi walitumia pasipoti na makaratisi ya Tanzania (Tanganyika) kusafiri wakati wa kipindi cha karakati za ukombozi.