United Africa : February 2016

Saturday, February 13, 2016

Malik Ambar: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

Malik Ambar: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

The Prime Minister of Ahmadnagar, Murtaza, Ruler and Military Leader, Malik Ambar was born in Ethiopia around 1549; he died in India in 1626. Ambar was sold into slavery in Yemen, taken to Baghdad where he was educated, and then resold to member of a royal family in the Deccan in southern India. Ambar’s rise to the apex of political power in the Indian Ocean world, is a testament to the African abilities to overcome adversity and shape the world around them. Ambar won his freedom in 1594; he then set out to build an army that first had 10,000 soldiers in 1595 and eventually over 40,000 soldiers (mostly Indians and at least 10,000 Africans) by 1620. Ambar defeated the Portuguese, the British, and the powerful Indian Mughal armies. He allied with other Africans (the Siddis) in the strategic Janjira in the 17th century; no ship, including British, Portuguese, Dutch, or Indian, could pass through Janjira fort without approval of the very capable African soldiers. Ambar founded the city of Khadiki (now Aurangabad), built palaces, developed irrigation system, and built an alliance with locals to maintain his rule. Ambar was one of the most powerful leaders in the Deccan, India during the 17th century. This brave son of Africa serves as an example of what one can do to shape their world while facing the greatest of adversity.

© Azaria Mbughuni

Gaspar Yanga: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

Gaspar Yanga: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

Yanga was born around 1545 in West Africa. The exact date of his death is not clear, but he was alive in the first quarter of the 1600s. He was captured and later enslaved in Mexico. Yanga was a leader of a successful slave revolt in colonial Mexico and he built one of the first communities of free blacks in the Americas around 1570. Yanga carried out carefully planned military campaigns against the Spanish, often attacking caravans travelling between Veracruz at the coast and Mexico City, between 1570 and 1609. All Spanish attempts to defeat Yanga cimarrones (Maroons) militarily failed. A powerful force made up of 550 Spanish troops was sent on a mission to destroy the Yanga community in 1609; they failed miserably! Yanga selected Franscisco de la Matosa to lead his troops; Matosa was born in Angola. Yanga was very old then; he made the wise decision to carry out a guerilla campaign against the Spanish troops and instructed Matosa and his other lieutenants to utilize their knowledge of the terrain to defeat the Spanish. The well-equipped Spanish forces were defeated and forced to negotiate with Yanga for a peaceful resolution. Yanga determined the terms of the peace treaty; the Spanish eventually recognized the free African community and it became known as San Lorenco de Los Negros in 1618. The story of Yanga was first made popular in the 19th century by Vince Riva Palacio; another remarkable story in the arsenal of great black leaders: Palacio was a historian, soldier, and grandson of Mexico’s Second President and the first black President of North and Central America: Vincente Guerrero.

© Azaria Mbughuni

Amilcar Cabral: the Son of Africa!

Amilcar Cabral: the Son of Africa!

Amilcar Cabral was assassinated on January 20, 1973. He is one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century! Cabral was a philosopher, a revolutionary, a leader. He fought a brilliant war against the Portuguese in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. Cabral realized that the power-base of a movement was the people; “How is it that we, a people deprived of everything, living in dire straits, manage to wage our struggle and win successes? Asked Cabral! His was the people’s movement. Modern weapons of war, terror, and other trickery could not defeat a determined people. He was charismatic; his leadership skills were unparalleled. Part of Cabral’s genius is revealed by his ability, even as an outsider, to bring together more than seven different ethnic groups to join into a powerful movement. Cabral was a thinker; he titled one of his speeches: “The Weapon of Theory.” The very title of the speech speaks volumes. Ideas, theory, are an important weapon in any struggle. Cabral studied colonized identity and class within the context of the liberation struggle. Culture, he argued, was important and necessary component of the struggle. He sought “re-Africanization” of the African elite in the efforts to build a mass popular culture. Sadly, like many other instances in African history, assassin's bullets ended his life. A fellow African pulled the trigger that killed Cabral. The assassins worked for PIDE, the Portuguese secret service. The assassination failed to achieve their main objective: subverting the struggle. Guinea Bissau declared independence on September 24, 1973.

© Azaria Mbughuni

Samora Machel: an African Hero!

Samora Machel: an African Hero!

Samora Machel was the first President of Mozambique. He was killed on October 19, 1986 when his plane crashed after it was lured into hills inside South Africa by the apartheid government. The South African government denied any involvement in the crash, but a report by the Mozambique government blamed South Africa for the airplane crash. Machel had close ties to Tanzania. Mozambicans found a safe haven in Tanzania during the colonial period. Tanzania welcomed Mozambican freedom fighters and supported their struggle for independence. Constant in-fighting between the different groups based in Tanzania (then Tanganyika) finally prompted Nyerere to force Mozambican leaders to meet at Arnatouglo Hall in Dar es Salaam to iron out their differences in June of 1962. Nyerere threatened to throw them out of the country if they did not unite and form a single group. Thus on June 25, 1962, MANU, UDENAMO, and UNAMI came together to form FRELIMO under pressure from Nyerere. Eduardo Mondlane became the leader of the new group.

A 29 year old Samora Machel was among FRELIMO’s early recruits. His journey to Tanzania was a long one; he escaped Mozambique to Swaziland, and eventually, ended up in Botswana. From Botswana, Machel managed to get on a plane that brought ANC recruits to Tanzania. Machel was among a group of Mozambicans who flew from Dar es Salaam to receive military training in Algeria in 1963. He was given the task of heading the training of FRELIMO cadets at Kongwa. In addition to Kongwa, FRELIMO was also given land in Bagamoyo to establish a camp. Machel spent most of the next 10 years between Tanzania and Mozambique. He became the head of FRELIMO army in 1966 after the death of Filipe Magaia. Mondlane was assassinated in Dar es Salaam by the Portuguese using a bomb placed inside a letter in 1969; Machel became the leader of FRELIMO after the assassination of Mondlane. FRELIMO headquarters was moved to Nachingwea in southern Tanzania in order to be closer to the battlefront.

I remember vividly the day Machel died in 1986. It appeared like all of Tanzania had come to a standstill. Tanzanians were glued to the radio listening to the latest news. It was one of the few times that Nyerere cried publicly. Nyerere broke down at Machel's funeral and embraced his widow, Graca Machel. It was a moving scene and a memorable one for me as a young boy attending first grade at Mlimani.

You see, I grew up hearing stories about FRELIMO and Machel. Samora Machel was my grandfather’s neighbor in Chang’ombe, then in the outskirts of Dar es Salaam. Machel moved closer to the frontlines, and eventually, Mozambique when FRELIMO defeated the Portuguese. My grandfather managed to buy a 1968 Peugeot 404 pickup from FRELIMO; it was one of the vehicles that Machel used to travel around the city when he was in Dar es Salaam.

I recall growing up playing in that old Peugeot 404, unaware of its historical significance. The windows were broken, it had no wheels, and was on top of bricks; it was slowly rusting away into oblivion. I never asked my father what happened to that vehicle. It is only now that I lament at the lack of historical awareness, at ignorance that has led many of us to destroy important historical treasures. The way we treated that old Peugeot 404 is not different from the way we treat our history. Tanzania made significant contributions to the liberation of Mozambique; yet few are aware of the great sacrifice made by a young country with few resources. Even fewer take the time to preserve the files that tell us this story, the buildings that housed Mozambican freedom fighters in Chang’ombe, Bagamoyo, and Nachingwea. But it is ultimately with the 1968 Peugeot 404 that I must go back to in order to illustrate an important point; what would that treasure be worth today had we kept it up, maintained it? The answer is simple: priceless! For you cannot put a price tag on such important historical treasure. And as for Machel, Tanzania and Mozambique will never be the same because of him. Generations of Mozambicans will continue to enjoy freedom because of the great sacrifices he made

© Azaria Mbughuni

The Assassination of Patrice Emery Lumumba!

Patrice Emery Lumumba, the first democratically elected leader of the Democractic Republic of Congo (DRC), was killed on January 17, 1961. Lumumba was among Africa's best and most promising leaders. Unfortunately, Lumumba never had a chance to shape his newly independent country; he was tortured and then killed. Newly declassified State Department documents confirm what historians have been saying all along: the US government played a key role in Lumumba's assassination. Violence that erupted in the DRC (then Congo) in 1960/1961 continues to haunt DRC to this day more than 55 years later. The DRC is one of the richest countries in the world, yet majority of its people remain in extreme poverty. Billions of dollars in minerals is extracted from the country each year while a never-ending war rages. Some estimate DRC's mineral wealth to be as high as $24 trillion.

The CIA in collaboration with Belgian agents and Mobutu Sese Seko set up the plot and eventually carried out the assassination of Lumumba on January 17, 1961. There are suspicions that Britain may also have played a role; but this has not been proven. The US came to view Lumumba as a dangerous pro-Communist radical. Nothing could be further from truth; Lumumba had no intention of turning his country over to foreigners from either the East or West. Yet it did not take long for the US to label Lumumba a Communist and launch covert operation that led to his assassination. DRC had important minerals that the West wanted at all cost during the height of the Cold War; that was, ultimately, the reason for the plot to assassinate Lumumba. The US government launched a covert operation in August 1960 with the goal of eliminating Lumumba and putting a puppet regime in power; they found a willing ally in Mobutu Sese Seko. The US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized Lumumba’s assassination and the CIA Chief, Allan Dulles, subsequently allocated $100,000 for the operation.

There are more than 60 pages of documents declassified by the State Department detailing the plot; selection of a few documents here illustrates this sad chapter in history. Highlights of the documents includes, telegram 976 to CIA that states that the CIA Chief Station in Congo urged "arrest or other more permanent disposal of Lumumba.." Telegram 0026 to CIA details plots to kill Lumumba. Telegram 0057 reveals Mobutu's frustration and CIA Chief's appeal back home to get funds to pay Mobutu and his supporters in order to remove Lumumba. Eventually funds were approved, Mobutu and his stooges were paid, and Lumumba's fate was sealed. Telegram 09643 of November 2, 1960, reports Department of State's approval of the CIA plan to remove Lumumba once and for all. However, discussions continued about what to do in a January 14, 1961 report on the political situation in the Congo; it points out that they recommended the authorization of funds to assist Mobutu. In a letter dated January 15, 1961, Mobutu is reported to have been offered a payment of one million Belgian Congolese francs for his army; the source of the funds? The US government through the CIA. The CIA report of January 18, 1961, one day after Lumumba was assassinated, states that Lumumba was flown in a plane together with a fellow detainee. The reports states that Lumumba showed "signs of having been badly beaten in flight" and "all Lumumba teeth have been knocked out.." after disembarking. There is a picture of a white soldier holding Lumumba as he disembarks from the airplane. Numerous pictures of Lumumba were taken as he left the airport. Lumumba was executed shortly afterwards; but not before an "ear was severed.." according to a CIA report of his death.

Why was this brilliant son of Africa executed? Well, the excuse they gave at the time was that he was becoming a Communist. While the West, the US in particular, played a major role in Lumumba's execution, it is clear that the plot could never have worked had it not been for some Africans. This is the tragic reality that Africa has to confront. There are many lessons for the rest of us today as we examine our past and plan for the future.

We will never forget this great son of Africa Patrice Lumumba. Long live the revolution!

Sheikh Karume speech to prison officers from mainland at the people's palace, Zanzibar, Oct. 26, 1965

One of the most profound speeches I have ever come across by Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume! Read and learn: knowledge of self, unity! Sheikh Karume addressed prison officers from mainland at the People's Palace, Zanzibar, October 26, 1965.

"God has created us and has given us a supreme gift-the brain. We only excel each other in the use of our brains. Those rich in knowledge must be prepared to contribute it to those who lack it... It behoves us all to live as brothers, to love and to respect each other, to work together and not to look at anyone with contempt. You must not be harmful to each other... The Union of our country is a great thing but it is not liked by others. They employ all the means and ways to disrupt our unity because as you know when there is unity, fear is gone and love blossoms among the people. When there is unity people become powerful. These people know that it will be very difficult for them to rule us and they have intention to rule us from the back door..."

The 1964 Tanganyika Army Mutiny, the "Day of Shame": 51 Years Ago on this Day

At 2:45 pm on January 24, 1964, Oscar Kambona and Paul Bomani, delivered a letter to the Acting British High Commissioner, Frank Steven Miles. The letter read:
“Your Excellency, I am directed by President of the Republic of Tanganyika to approach the British Government with a request for military assistance..” Rashid Kawawa, the Vice President of Tanganyika, signed the letter. 45 British Commandos flew in helicopters and stormed different targets, including the Colito barracks and subdued soldiers who mutinied on January 25. The British operation marked the end of a sad chapter in Tanganyika’s history; Nyerere would later describe the day of the mutiny as a day of “national shame.”

The army mutiny started early morning of January 20th, 1964. It started at 1:30 am when the soldiers sounded the alarm at the Colito Barracks (now Lugalo) outside Dar es Salaam and arrested officers. The soldiers demanded higher wages and promotion for African soldiers. Job Lusinde, Bhoke Munanka, Oscar Kambona, and later Paul Bomani, would keep the lines of communication between the government and the mutineers open. Kambona became the key government negotiator. Many high government leaders went into hiding as news of the mutiny spread.

The Director of Intelligence, Emilo Charles Mzena, did the most dangerous work behind scenes during the mutiny. According to one report, Mzena received news of the mutiny as soon as it happened and rushed to the State House. The soldiers made to the State House shortly after Mzena arrived; they were distracted at the gate while Mzena whisked Nyerere out. Nyerere remained in hiding for several days somewhere in Mji Mwema according to some sources. The retired Colonel Kashmiri claimed recently that Nyerere stayed at Judge Abdulla Mustapha’s home.

The mutiny did not just take place overnight. It was carefully planned over a period of several months. The confusion that came in the aftermath of the Zanzibar revolution of January 12, 1964, appears to have convinced the mutineers that the time was right to launch the mutiny; however, there is no evidence of a direct link between the two. In the course of 1963, Oscar Kambona and later Job Lusinde disbanded the Special Branch; an apparatus responsible for gathering intelligence and warning the government of any potential dangers. The British Colonial officials previously ran the agency. Tanganyika officials were suspicious of the agency after independence, and for good reasons. Kambona went on to build a new intelligence organization made up mostly of members of TANU Youth League. He began his work in 1963 when he became the Minister of Defence. The new organization did not yet have the ability to collect, analyze, and take appropriate measures by the time of the mutiny. To make matters worse, Kambona met with some of the soldiers in the end of 1963 and promised them changes. Some of the soldiers expressed dissatisfaction at the slow pace of the Africanization program. Kambona sought to make the changes; however, he encountered resistance from the British head of the military, Brigadier Patrick Sholto Douglas.

More to come...

Nyerere, Kennedy, and the Struggle for Mozambique!

Tanzania (then Tanganyika) sent scores of Mozambican recruits to receive military training in Algeria early 1963. The training came partly as a result of discussions between Nyerere, Eduardo Mondlane, and Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria. It was clear by May of 1963 that Tanzania would eventually allow Mozambicans to attack the Portuguese in Mozambique from their bases in Tanzania. This worried Nyerere! He wanted to avoid violence if possible.

Nyerere and Kambona advised Eduardo Mondlane early 1963 to try peaceful negotiations first before embarking on an armed struggle. In April of 1963, Mondlane remarked that he would give himself about 6 months to try finding a peaceful resolution. It was based on his discussions with Mondlane and other Mozambican leaders that Nyerere decide to try and avert the innevitable war and approach the Americans.

Nyerere met with the American Ambassador Leonhart in Tanganyika on March 17, 1963. An officer of the External Affairs was present during the meeting; Nyerere called Ambassador Leonhart to his office after the meeting and handed him a confidential letter for President Kennedy. The American Ambassador noted in his report that Nyerere wrote the letter himself, did not involve Foreign Affairs, and decided to hand over the letter when his Foreign Minister, Oscar Kambona, was away. The letter illustrates Nyerere's personal convictions, his total abhorence for racism, and determination to stand on principles; the letter was an appeal from one leader to another.

In the letter, Nyerere asks the American President, Kennedy, to intervene with Portugal in order to set Mozambique on the path to independence. Nyerere wrote: "It will be obvious that the basis of my concern over South Africa, South-West Africa, and the Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique, stems from my complete rejection of colonialism and racial discrimination."

Nyerere travelled to Washington in July of 1963 to try and convince Kennedy to do the right thing in southern Africa. As it was to be expected at the time, the US refused to do the right thing and continued to support Portugal and its colonial ambitions. It was only after all diplomatic channels had being exhausted did Nyerere give FRELIMO the go-ahead to launch attacks in Mozambique. The six months that Mondlane gave himself to pursue a diplomatic solution for Mozambique dragged for a little over a year. This decision to wait did not come just because Mondlane wanted to wait; it was partly due to Nyerere’s pressure on Mondlane to use all means possible to try and win independence for Mozambique peacefully before embarking on an armed struggle. Nyerere abhorred violence, but he was more than willing to support an armed struggle if there was no other avenue left. There would be no compromise, as far as Nyerere was concerned, when it came to the pursuit of freedom and the dignity of Africa.

Mozambicans launched their attack on Portuguese targets in Mozambique from their bases in Tanzania September 1964. It would take 10 years for a strong and determined army of Mozambicans supported by Tanzania to defeat a modern European army fully backed by NATO.

Tujivunie na historia yetu!
Long Live the Revolution!
Aluta Continua!

Malcolm X and Tanzania

Malcom X came to Tanzania in October of 1964. The visit came after the OAU Summit of July 1964 in Cairo, Egypt. Malcolm X concluded after the Summit that Tanzania was an important ally in the struggle against racialism and imperialism. He wanted to establish stronger ties with the country's leaders.

Malcolm had a difficult time at the OAU conference in 1964. Most African leaders did not support Malcolm's efforts to address racial discrimination in the US at the Summit. The US State Department lobbied hard and convinced many African leaders not to take Malcolm X seriously. Abdulrahman Babu linked up with Malcolm X at the conference and the two became friends. Malcolm X and Babu made a case to President Nyerere on the resolution. Nyerere took up Malcolm's proposal and convinced the OAU leaders to pass a resolution on racial discrimination in the US. The final resolution was not exactly what Malcolm X wanted initially; however, it was a major victory considering the resistance he faced at the conference. The passage of the resolution was a victory since for the first time a body of independent African nations joined hands with African Americans in condemnation of racial discrimination in the US. The resolution would not have passed had it not been for Nyerere!

Malcolm X decided to visit the Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar as it was known at the time. He landed in the capital city on October 9, 1964. Malcolm X held meetings with various leaders in Dar es Salaam, including Oscar Kambona and Babu. He also had a meeting with TANU leaders at the home of Bibi Titi Mohamed. The highlight of his visit to Dar es Salaam came on October 13 when he was whisked away to meet President Nyerere. Malcolm X described Nyerere as "very shrewd, intelligent, and disarming;" it would be the last time the two leaders met.

The interactions between Malcolm X and Tanzania government officials continued in the December of 1964 after he returned to the US from Africa. He took a brief trip to Europe and returned to New York on December 6, 1964. The FBI had him under surveillance and an agent was at the airport when Malcolm X landed. According to the FBI, Malcolm X met Tanzanian diplomatic officials at the airpot in New York on December 6. He left the airport on one of three cars registered to Tanzanian diplomats and he went directly to the home of a Tanzanian diplomat. Babu was in New York at the time.

The full details of the links between Malcolm X, Babu, and the Tanzanian diplomats in New York and at the 1964 Cairo Summit have never been fully disclosed. Malcolm X or El Hajj Malik el Shabazz was assassinated on February 21, 1965, a little over three months after his last meeting with Tanzania officials.

For more on Malcolm X in Tanzania, check out my article: http://www.businesstimes.co.tz/index.php…

Tanzania and liberation ideology!

Liberation!

It was in the halls of the University College (now the University of Dar es Salaam), that some of the greatest minds shared ideas about the future of Africa. A generation of young scholars and militant students debated and came up with strategies for the struggle to liberate Africa. Many caught this fever; it was a fever that inspired countless Tanzanians and Africans. But what happened since?

A young generation of Tanzanians appears hopelessly lost; worse, a group of people lacking any ideological grounding have hijacked important positions and are busy enriching themselves at the expense of the majority. And so it appears to many observers that the greatest ambition of many young people today is to find a shortcut for accumulating wealth. Not too long ago, there was a generation dedicated to total liberation. Has this old generation failed us? What is the struggle for the young people today? Where do they draw motivation and inspiration?

A group of young African students and teachers held an OAU mock session on the quest for United States of Africa in 1969 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The session led to a heated debate between students representing various African countries on the strategy to build unity and the struggle to end colonial rule in Africa. This historic debate was held at the Kinondoni Muslim Secondary School. A young unknown student from the University College, Dar es Salaam named Issa Shivji represented Tanzania at the debate. Shivji told 17 delegates that Africa could not “bear any further humiliations by foreigners.” He argued that Africa was “poor and weak” and added that “power could only be achieved if the economy of Africa was developed.” It was through economic empowerment that Africa would be in position to achieve the greater goal of “United States of Africa.” Shivji proposed an ambitious goal: the establishment of the United States of Africa by 1975. He envisaged achieving this monumental task in a period of about just 6 years. It is only now, more that 30 years later that we can look back in retrospect and marvel at the idealism and enthusiasm of the young students.

The question of prioritizing the liberation of Africa or moving forward with unifying Africa was one point of contention; some delegates pointed out that Africa had to be liberated from colonialism first before embarking on the quest for unity. Numerous countries, including Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, and South Africa, were not free in 1969 when the debate took place. Issa Idris, delegate representing Malawi, pointed out during the debate that it was pointless to discuss United States of Africa while numerous African countries remained under colonial rule. Another delegate, Leonard Kasulwa, argued that an earlier date should be set for achieving the union government of Africa. The debate took place at a period when Tanzania was one of the most important centers in the ideological battle for the emancipation of Africa politically, economically, and socially.

There was a war raging in the neighboring Mozambique; Tanzania was directly involved in that war. Dar es Salaam attracted some of the best minds from Africa and the Diaspora during the 1960s. Students like Shivji, Yoweri Museveni, and countless others, had the privilege of listening to some of the best minds of the time. The “Dar es Salaam School”, as it became known, made its mark in Tanzania and the rest of the world. Countless revolutionaries such as Walter Rodney, Nathan Shamuyarira, and others, shared ideas with colleagues, students, and leaders belonging to various liberation movements housed in Tanzania. A collection of writings and speeches by Mwalimu Nyerere was published under the title Freedom and Socialism in May of 1969. The essays linked up freedom and socialism; Mwalimu not just talked the talk, he dedicated most of the country’s meager resources to the liberation of Africa. It was under this context that the young students and teachers met at Kinondoni Muslim Secondary School to debate the best strategy for building a strong and united continent.

Shivji and other young students came of age during an era of great revolutionary thought; they were shaped by the urgency of the situation at the time. For them, African unity and removal of colonial rule was important; some of them identified the dangers of neocolonialism and warned of its future dangers. Class struggle, they argued, could not be divorced from the struggle for political independence. The academics and other great minds of the time, thought carefully about the challenges they faced, engaged in rigorous debates, and inspired a whole generation of young men and women. That great era of Pan-Africanism, socialist revolution, appears as if it has come to an end; so it seems.

It is now up to the new generation of African academics and leaders to revive the debate on how best to tackle the challenges that face Tanzania and the rest of Africa. The political, economic, and social liberation of Tanzania is linked inextricably with the liberation of Africa. Africa appears to be sinking and laging behind; neocolonialism continues to sink its teeth and Africa is far from breaking the chains that holds it to the ground. The problems facing Tanzania are not so different from other African countries. The problems stem partly from outside interference and part of it lies within. The emancipation of Africa politically, economically, and socially is an urgent matter that the new generation will have to address.

The liberation of the African must be a stepping stone in the wider quest to liberate all humanity from poverty, superstition, and the achievement of basic needs and equality to all under the Sun. As that great son of Africa, Robert Sobukwe, once pronounced: "We are fighting for the noblest cause on earth, the liberation of mankind.." And I will add womankind to this great struggle!

But what is the next step?

Taharqa and the Kingdom of Kush: An African Superpower of the Ancient World

Taharqa was a young Kushite prince who became one of the most powerful African rulers of the Ancient world. More than 2762 years ago, an African King named Piye (Piankhi), conquered Egypt and started a new dynasty that rose to the pinnacle of world power in the ancient world. Piye and his successors Shabaka and Shebitku paved the way for Taharqa. Taharqa was one of the greatest military tacticians of the ancient world. He extended Kush/Egypt’s influence into the Levant, present day territory between Jordan all the way north to Syria.

The exact date of Taharqa’s birth is not clear; he, however, died in 664 BC. Taharqa was the son of Piye; he served first under Shebitku before taking the throne. Kush is known by many different names; the Egyptians referred to it as Ta-Seti (the Land of the Bow), the Greeks and later Romans called it Aethiopia (land of people with burnt faces); it is also known as Kerma. The Bible refers to it as Cush, Nubia, and Ethiopia. European writers, Strabo and Herodotus, wrote about this mighty kingdom and its rulers. Herodotus, for instance, described Nubians/Kushites as the “tallest and handsomest” people in the world.

Piye reigned between 747-722 BC; he conquered Egypt in 720 BC and eventually returned back to rule the combined Kingdoms of Kush and Egypt from his capital at Napata. Piye was the first ruler in what is referred to as the 25th Egyptian Dynasty, the Kushite dynasty. Power would move to at least two more Kushite rulers before Taharqa’s reign began.

Kushite rulers pursued an aggressive foreign policy, particularly starting with Shebitku and later Taharqa. The Levant, territory in what is present day Jordan, Palestine, Israel, Lebanon, and Syria, was of major importance to Shebitku and Taharqa. The powerful Assyrian kingdom had its headquarters in what is present day Iraq. Assyrians became Kush/Egyptian’s bitter rivals once Shebitku decided to support smaller kingdoms in the Levant and started to make moves to stretch his power in the region.

The Kushite King Shebitku ruled between 707 and 690 BC. Shebituku ordered the young prince Taharqa to go north to assist the small Kingdom of Judea sometime around 701 BC. The young prince led the Kush/Egyptian army against the Assyrians at the Battle of Eltekeh.

Shebitku had encouraged Hezekiah, the king of Judea, to resist the Assyrians and promised to back his efforts. By encouraging Hezekiah to rebel against the Assyrians, the Kushite king Shebitku broke with the peaceful relations established prior to his reign between Egypt and Assyria. Shebitku’s new policy broke with policies of his predecessors and marked the beginnings of hostile relations between Kush/Egypt and Assyria. It was under this context that the young Taharqa fought in the Battle of Eltekeh.

Historians disagree about the outcome of this battle. Many scholars claim that the Kushite army was defeated. However, one thing is clear: the Assyrian army under Sennacherib decided to retreat; they retreated gradually until they went all the way back home to Assyria. Why would a superior army be forced to retreat? The Assyrian army failed to achieve their objectives in Judea, and this failure, is partly due to the Kushite/Egyptian army led by the young Taharqa. Was this, then, victory for the Kushite young general named Taharqa? Historians are divided.

This historical enigma is further complicated by the story that appears in the Bible. The Bible presents the story from the perspective of the Hebrews/Jews. The Bible cites God’s intervention as the reason for the defeat of the Assyrian army. According to 2 Kings 19:9 “And when he heard say Tirharkah (Taharqa) King of Ethiopia, Behold, he come out to fight against thee: he sent messengers again unto Hezekiah. Isaiah 37:9 reports that “Now Sennacherib received a report that Tirhakah, the King of Cush/Ethiopia, was marching out to fight against him. When he heard it, he sent messengers to Hezekiah with this word: Do not let the god you depend on deceive you when he says ‘Jerusalem will not be given into the hands of the king of Assyria.” According to the Bible, Hezekiah went to the temple and prayed. Isaiah eventually sent a message of hope to Hezekiah, and accordingly, an angel was dispatched and killed thousands of Assyrian soldiers. Some European and Jewish scholars express doubt in any suggestion that Kush/Egypt played a role in the defeat of the Assyrian army; and there are those who outright dismiss any possible role played by Kush/Egypt in the war.

The Dead Sea Scrolls, documents discovered between 1946 and 1956 in caves at Khirbet Qumran in the West Bank, document parts of this story. The Biblical version of the events, reflect the perspective of the Hebrews. This version has its limitations, and therefore, must be balanced with other contemporary historical sources.

Assyrian sources claim that the Assyrians won the battle. Kushite sources claim victory. The Bible, attributes victory, to God’s intervention. What happened then? There is little doubt that the intervention of the Kushite army under Taharqa played a key role in the eventual decision by the Assyrians to withdraw. In other words, the presence of Kushite/Egyptian army played a significant role in the eventual decision by the Assyrians to withdraw. Such withdrawal is clearly an indication of defeat. The Kushite rulers would eventually pay a mighty price for this intervention.

Taharqa eventually took the throne in 690 BC. He gained invaluable experience as a general in the Kushite/Egyptian army. Taharqa was 32 years old when he became the King. He enjoyed peace and prosperity during the first thirteen years of his reign. He initially focused his efforts on uniting the kingdom and construction projects.

Kush/Egyptian power and influence during Taharqa’s reign extended beyond the Levant into what is present day southern Europe. Egypt influence reached as far as Cyprus. One can see that this ancient African superpower, not only flexed its muscles in what is present day Middle East, but also along the Mediterranean Sea.

Taharqa’s exploits in the Levant are further inscribed in a stela at the temple of Kawa. In one section, the stela reports cedar and juniper wood that came from Levant and donated to the temple of Amun. Another part refers to a bronze artwork brought from the Levant/Asia. Finally, there is an inscription dedicated to Taharqa in which he laments over the loss of tribute from the Levant! Inscriptions of the Annals of Thutmosis III includes a prayer in which Taharqa is unhappy at the loss of tribute from the land of Syria-Palestine. Such inscriptions are testament to Taharqa’s regional power and lend to the argument that Kush/Egypt was a Superpower of the ancient world.

Trouble for Taharqa started when the Assyrians became strong enough to start marching towards Egypt. The King of Assyria, Essarhadon, marched his army into Egypt in retaliation for Taharqa's exploits in the Levant. The Babylonian Chronicles mention an expedition against Egypt that took place around 673 BC. Taharqa met Essarhadon in battle, two of the greatest armies in the ancient world. Taharqa won the battle! The Assyrians were forced to retreat. It is easy to underestimate the significance of such victory. Two of the world’s mightiest armies faced each other in battle and one was defeated and forced to retreat.

The Kushite glory did not last long. The Assyrians would eventually march south and take over Lower Egypt in 671 BC. Taharqa managed to hold on to Upper Egypt for a few more years. Taharqa was eventually forced to withdraw from Upper Egypt and settled down in his native land of Kush.

Taharqa died in 664 BC. His death marked the beginning of the end for a remarkable period in African history. Kushite rulers eventually turned south and rebuilt their kingdom further away from the reach of Egyptian rulers and invaders from the Levant and beyond.