Mozambique won independence on June 25, 1975

Mozambique won independence on June 25, 1975. Independence came exactly thirteen years after FRELIMO was founded in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (then Tanganyika), June 25, 1962. The struggle for independence was long and bloody. The Mueda massacre of June 18, 1960 was a turning point for the struggle; well over 600 innocent civilians were dead when the Portuguese stopped shooting in the northern province of Cabo Delgado. The massacre convinced many in Mozambique that the time had come to wage war on Portugal. Thousands of refugees slipped through the border to Tanzania. The first batch of recruits travelled to Algeria from Tanganyika to receive military training in 1963. Trained FRELIMO soldiers returned to camps in Kongwa, Tanzania and eventually Nachingwea on the border with Mozambique. FRELIMO waged a brilliant guerilla warfare against the Portuguese between 1964 and 1974. Tens of thousands of Mozambicans sacrificed their lives in order to win independence. Their sacrifices paid off when the country won independence in 1975. Tanzania fully backed the struggle for independence in Mozambique. It was because of this help that FRELIMO sent Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere a letter in July 1968 thanking Tanzania for their support.

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Tanganyika Cabinet 1963

Tanganyika Cabinet 1963:

Julius K. Nyerere, 41 years old, President
Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa, 34 years old, Vice-President
Sheikh Amri Karuta Abedi, 39 years old, Minister of Justice
Derek Noel Maclean Bryceson, 40 years old, Minister of Agriculture
Clement George Kahama, 34 years old, Minister of Commerce
Oscar Salathiel Kambona, 35 years old, Minister of External Affairs and Defense
Job Malecela Lusinde, 32 years old, Minister of Home Affairs
Amir H. Jamal, 41 years old, Minister of Communication
Paul Bomani, 38 years old, Minister of Finance
Alhaj Tewa Said Tewa, 37 years old, Minister of Lands
Jeremiah Sam Kasambala, 38 Years old, Minister of Co-operative and Community Development
Solomon Nkya Eliufoo, 42 years old, Minister of Education
Saidi Ali Maswanya, 39 years old, Minister of Health
Michael Kamaliza, 33 years old, Minister of Labor
Austine K.E. Shaba, 38 years old, Minister of Local Government
L. Nang’wanda Sijaona, 35 years old, Minister of National Culture and Youth
Nsilo Swai, 38 years old, Minister of Development Planning

1950s was the year of independence for North Africa.

1950s was the year of independence for North Africa. Libya won independence in 1951, followed by Egypt in 1952, Tunisia 1956 and Morocco in 1956. There was even hope for Sudan in 1956 when it sent the British packing; it would take brothers and sisters in southern Sudan another 55 years to assert their right to be. The plight of Sub-Saharan Africa appeared dim in the 1950s; so it seemed. It took the lone start of Africa, the coast of gold, almost one hundred years to send the British back home: Ghana became the first sub-Saharan country to win independence in March 6, 1957. The events taking place in West Africa would have a profound impact on the struggle in East, Central, and Southern Africa.

Ghana’s independence was a turning point for the struggle for freedom and independence in Africa. Africans still under the colonial yoke turned to Ghana for inspiration in 1957. Kwame Nkrumah understood the importance of Ghana’s independence for Africa; he proclaimed eloquently in March of 1957 that Ghana’s independence was nothing if the rest of Africa remained under colonial rule. It was a powerful statement at one of the most important moments in the continent’s history. The 35 year-old leader from Tanganyika, Julius K. Nyerere was in Ghana to witness this momentous occasion in 1957; it would shape his future vision of Africa!

Nkrumah used Ghana’s first independence celebration of March 1958 as an opportunity to bring together leaders from various parts of Africa and the African Diaspora. Nkrumah sent an invitation to a 36 year-old rising politician from Tanzania (then Tanganyika), Julius K. Nyerere once again. The invitation was sent by Nkrumah’s Secretary and it offered to pay for all the expenses for the trip. Nkrumah had identified Nyerere as one of the most important rising stars in Africa; he accommodated Nyerere at his home in Accra for almost two weeks. Nyerere was the only leader who stayed in Nkrumah’s home during Ghana’s first independence celebrations in 1958.

The experience had a profound impact on the 36 year-old politician from East Africa. Nyerere had followed events in the Gold Coast (Ghana) as a student in Edinburg, Scotland. He studied Ghana’s CPP constitution closely when he sat down to draft TANU’s constitution in 1954. While Kenya was burning during the Mau Mau rebellion, Nyerere steered Tanganyika in the direction of Ghana's "Positive Action." Yet both leaders would put their full weight behind the armed struggle in the first half of the 1960s when all peaceful avenues were shut down.

Nkrumah and Nyerere were committed to the struggle for freedom and independence. The two leaders shared the ultimate goal of freeing and uniting Africa. Scholars will continue to debate the differences in their approaches to achieving Pan-African unity; but their ultimate determination to support the struggle for freedom and unity was the same and their efforts remains unparalleled to this day.

As I reflect on the work of these two African giants, I marvel at the advances we have made and remain hopeful at the challenging work that confronts us at this important juncture. From Cape to Cairo, from Dakar to Mogadishu, the African, whether it be in Africa or the Diaspora, in Rio de Janeiro or London, Bandar Abbas or Karnataka, Canberra or Port Moresby, is yet to assert their rightful place under the Sun. This is a struggle for humanity!

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Mahatma Gandhi’s Visit to a “Negro” Brothel in Zanzibar

Gandhi spent several days in Zanzibar in 1912. Much has been said about his meetings with various people in the Zanzibar, including members of the Asian community in the island. There is even a famous picture of him in Zanzibar. Much less has been said about his encounter with an African woman at a brothel. Gandhi visited Zanzibar in 1912 while on his way to South Africa. Gandhi wrote in his autobiography that the Captain of the ship liked him very much. The captain invited Gandhi and an English friend to accompany him to the city while the ship docked at the harbor. The three men went to a “Negro women’s quarters.” Gandhi was shown into a room where an African woman was waiting. Gandhi wrote years later that “I simply stood there dumb with shame. Heaven only knows what the poor woman must have thought of me.” Gandhi was eventually called by the Captain to leave the quarters. He felt ashamed. He went on to say: “I thanked God that the sight of the woman had not moved me in the least. I was disgusted at my weakness and pitied myself for not having had the courage to refuse to go into the room.” This, according to Gandhi, was the third trial of its kind for him. 

And so there it was: Gandhi being tempted by an African woman when he first landed in East Africa.

Viva the Union!

Viva the Union!
Karume and Nyerere in Dar es Salaam soon after exchanging instruments of Union, 1964

Ushirikiano wa TANU na ASP kabla ya 1964

Ushirikiano wa TANU na ASP kabla ya 1964 

Part II: http://www.jamhurimedia.co.tz/ushirikiano-wa-tanu-na-asp-kabla-ya-1964-2/

Part III: http://www.jamhurimedia.co.tz/ushirikiano-wa-tanu-na-asp-kabla-ya-1964-3/

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

An African Hero: Mkwawa and the War Against Germany

An African Hero: Mkwawa and the War Against Germany

There are moments in history that compels us to stop and reflect. We can learn something important about us as a people, a nation, a continent, by examining those moments closely. The destruction of the famed German Kaiserlich Schutztruppe in what is today southwest Tanzania in 1891 is one of those moments. Heroes come few and far in between. The Hehe Chief Mkwavinyika Mungigumba Mwamuyinga or better known as Mkwawa, is one of those leaders who will go down in history as one of the greatest African leaders. This is one of those moments in time that we must remember and cherish!

For every story, there is a story teller. A thin, tall, polite, and unassuming man used to visit our home at Chuo Kikuu in the early 1980s. He was none other than Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, the grandson of the legendary leader Mkwawa. Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa was a larger than life figure for me, a towering giant with a powerful voice and an contagious laughter. Do not be misled by his pleasant demeanor; Chief Adam Sapi was a fierce fighter for independence. He was the speaker of the Parliament in the 1980s. The visits by this distinguished leader to our home nudged my curiosity for history, and Mkwawa, in particular. But before I get ahead of myself, this is not a story about me; it is with the story of Mkwawa that I seek to reclaim here. Who is Mkwawa and how did he uphold the dignity of Africa?

Mkwawa was born in 1855 in Luhota, Iringa in what is now southwest Tanzania. He was the second son of Chief Munyigumba. His full name was Chief Mkwavinyika Munyigumba Mwamuyinga. The name Mkwawa came from Mukwava, which was shortened from Mukwavinyika. Chief Munyigumba succeeded in bringing together over one hundred clans to form a powerful state with a centralized government around 1860. A power struggle ensued after the death of Munyigumba between Mkwawa and Mwamubambe. Mkwawa was the victor when all the dust settled by 1880. He then set out to consolidate his empire. This was a bloody and costly endeavor. No one said empire building was a bloodless endeavor.

Mkwawa was at the pinnacle of power in the last quarter of the 19th century. This was a period of great turmoil in Africa. The demise of the institution of slavery in the western world led to the quest for new ways of exploiting Africa and its people. The conclusion of the Berlin Conference in 1885 came just twenty years after slavery was abolished in the USA. The last vestiges of slavery were not abolished in Brazil until 1888. The invasion of Africa, therefore, came shortly after the institution of slavery was abolished in the West by some of the most powerful nations. New ways of exploiting Africa and its people was put into place.

After exploiting the continent for its labor force, working countless souls to death in the New World, Europeans and their counterparts in the Americas, utilized the capital they accumulated to industrialize and build their nations. It was the beginning of a new era of capitalism. Once again, Africa became the focal point of European interest in the quest for wealth. East Africa would become the new theater of capitalist onslaught.

Europeans viewed East Africa as a place with great potential for generating wealth. Africa had untapped mineral resources, abundant labor, and markets for manufactured products. Prevailing pseudo-scientific publications purported black African intellectual inferiority; such studies were partly used to justify European invasion of the continent. Social Darwinists were busy painting Africans as savages who needed to be guided like children into civility. Civilization, so they claimed, had not touched this part of the world. The Hehe under their abled leader Mkwawa would challenge these myths on the ground at the Battle of Lugalo. 

The German commander in East Africa, Emil von Zelewski, decided to personally head German forces against the Hehe in 1891. The Germans called their African army Kaiserliche Schutztruppe at the time. The African soldiers would eventually become known as Askaris. Zelewski commanded over three hundred Askaris, thirteen European officers, and hundreds of African porters in August of 1891 when he ventured towards the Hehe capital in Iringa in what is today southwest Tanzania. It is safe to say that this was a fight between two groups of African soldiers; one group fighting for their land (Hehe) and another (Askaris) fighting for Germany. 

The 1891 Battle of Lugalo goes down as one of the best battles in military history. The Hehe had a superior intelligence gathering organization. It was made up of Wahandisi who were placed about four days walk from their main forces. Another group called Wadagandaga were stationed several hours in front of the Hehe army. Information was collected and forwarded to Hehe commanders. Mkwawa was well informed about the Schetztruppe as they advanced towards Iringa in August 1891. Hehe commanders evaluated the situation and decided to avoid an open battle in the valley with the enemy forces. The Schetzruppe had artillery, machine guns, and rifles. The Hehe had a few muskets, shields and stabbing spears. Mkwawa and his commanders decided on a brilliant plan. The Hehe army would attack the Schetztruppe at a rocky gorge near Lugalo. It was a narrow path that enemy forces had to pass through on their way to Iringa.

Hehe soldiers waiting patiently on August 17, 1891 as enemy forces approached. Zelewski led his forces in the front on a donkey. The Hehe attacked with lighting speed. The Schetztruppe were caught by surprise. What followed was mostly hand to hand combat. At the end of the battle, only about sixty four Askaris and two or three German officers lived to tell the story. Zelewski’s body laid lifeless on the ground. A sixteen year old Hehe warrior stabbed and killed him on the spot. 

This was the worst defeat in the history of Schutzetruppe!

Zelewski was arrogant. He never thought Africans were capable of such brilliant planning and execution. Many historians focus on Zelewski’s mistakes. Such approach misses an important lesson: the Hehe victory was a result of a brilliant battle plan. The victory at the Battle of Lugalo places Mkwawa next to some of the best military minds of the time.

The Germans were forced to go back to the drawing board and rethink their strategy against the Hehe. The self-delusional ideas about African inability to use their intellect, if they had it at all, had to be reconsidered. The Germans spent the next three years organizing and preparing to defeat the Hehe and kill Mkwawa. A German captain Tom Prince, one of the survivors of the Battle of Lugalo, vowed to avenge “German honor” as he would later write in his book Gegen Araber und Wahehe (Against Arabs and Wahehe). It would take considerable efforts and resources to defeat the Hehe. One of the lessons for the Germans was that they had to forge alliance with African rulers. Through scorched Earth policy, capturing and imprisoning Hehe women, alliances with Hehe enemies, the Germans eventually succeeded in isolating Mkwawa after 1894. The end would not come until July 1898 when Mkwawa decided to shoot himself when he was surrounded by the German forces. It was the beginning of the end to one of the most important moments in Africa’s history.

The Germans cut off Mkwawa’s head and sent it to Germany. It was difficult for them to believe that an African was capable of doing what Mkwawa and the Hehe did to them. The Hehe never seized in their quest to have Mkwawa’s skull returned. The Hehe sent delegations to British colonial authorities demanding the return of the skull starting in 1918 at the conclusion of World War I. A section was inserted in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles requesting Germany to return the skull. The Hehe wanted the skull of their leader back; they believed that Mkwawa’s spirit would not join the great ancestors until the skull was returned.

Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa met with the British Governor, Sir Edward Twining, in 1951 in Iringa. He asked the Governor to request Germany to return the skull to Tanzania (then Tanganyika). It would take the British colonial government two years to find the skull and another year to return it to Tanzania. Mkwawa’s skull was housed at a museum in Bremen, Germany. The Germans had denied its presence all along. 

Mkwawa's skull was kept together with 2,000 other human skulls from Africa. The team searching for the skull identified 84 skulls from German East Africa; they were able to identify Mkwawa’s skull by comparing his measurements to those of family members. Furthermore, the skull had a bullet hole through the temple.

The skull was returned to Tanzania and handed over to Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa in Iringa July 9,1954. It was a triumphant moment for the Hehe and the young nation in the making. The spirit of this great African was free to join the ancestors. Just a month after the return of the skull, a national independence organization, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), was formed. Mkwawa had his last revenge on the colonialists. Tanganyika won independence in 1961. The dignity of Africa was upheld once and for all!

Longer version of this article will be coming to you soon. Stay tuned!
*Perhaps the time has come to conduct DNA testing to confirm the authenticity of the skull and not rely on circumstantial evidence.

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

The Genius that is Mkwawa: reclaiming Tanzania's history

The Genius that is Mkwawa: reclaiming Tanzania's history

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Oscar Kambona from Tanzania was Chairman of the Political Committee that drafted the OAU charter in 1963

The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded on this day, May 25, 1963. Oscar Kambona from Tanzania was Chairman of the Political Committee that drafted the OAU charter in 1963

Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa aka Simba wa Vita: Unsung Hero!

Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa aka Simba wa Vita: Unsung Hero!

Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa was born on this day, May 27, 1926. He made significant contributions to Tanzania (Tanganyika) during the period of the struggle for independence and after the country gained independence in 1961. One such contributions took place in January of 1964 during one of the low points in the young nation's history. Kawawa, then the Vice President, narrowly escaped soldiers who went to the State House to make their demands on January 20, 1964. He, together with President Nyerere, were whisked away to safety by Peter Bwimbo, Head of the Presidential Security unit. Exactly what would have happened had the soldiers gained access to the two leaders will remain a matter of speculation. Kawawa was the one given the task to write a formal letter requesting British intervention. On January 24, 1964, Kawawa handed a letter to Oscar Kambona and Paul Bomani to take to Stephen Miles, the British High Commissioner in Tanganyika. Kambona and Bomani arrived at the British High Commissioner's residency 4:45 pm on January 24,1964 with the letter; it was short and to the point. This was the beginning of the end for the army mutiny!

By Azaria C. Mbughuni

Kongwa: Mama wa Majeshi ya Nchi za Afrika ya Kusini na Kati

Kongwa: Mama wa Majeshi ya Nchi za Afrika ya Kusini na Kati

Kama tunaweza kuandika orodha ya kambi kumi muhimu kihistoria za kijeshi Afrika nzima, naweza kusema bila kusita Kongwa itakuwepo kwenye orodha hiyo. Hata kama sisi tukilala usingizi na historia yetu, viongozi wa nchi za Afrika kamwe hawatasahau Kongwa. Hakuna viongozi wengi wakubwa wa majeshi ya nchi za Afrika ya kusini sasa hivi ambao hawakuguswa kwa namna moja au nyingine na Kongwa. Kongwa ina historia muhimu sana sio tu kwa Tanzania, bali kwa Afrika nzima. Hii ni moja ya sehemu ya historia inayotupa nafasi ya kujivunia kama watanzania. Mchango wa Tanzania katika harakati za ukombozi wa Afrika ni mkubwa sana. Kambi ya wanajeshi ya Kongwa, Dodoma, inatupa mfano mmoja wa namna Tanzania ilijitolea ili wengine wapate uhuru.

Mnamo mwaka 1964, serikali ya Tanganyika (Tanzania baada ya 1964) ilitoa sehemu ambayo ilifanywa shamba na serikali ya kikoloni iwe kambi ya wanajeshi. Kutokana na msimamo wa serikali ya Tanganyika chini ya uongozi wa Nyerere, Kawawa, Kambona na wengine, nchi za Afrika ziliamua Tanganyika iwe makao makuu ya Kamati ya ukombozi wa nchi za Afrika ya OAU mnamo mwaka 1963. Uamuzi huu ulionyesha jinsi gani Tanganyika ilikubalika kama nchi inayojali na kusaidia harakati za uhuru. Uamuzi ulifanywa na serikali ya Tanganyika kufungua kambi ya wanajeshi Kongwa. Kambi hiyo ilikuwa itumike kutoa mafunzo ya kijeshi kwa watu kutoka nchi za Africa.

Chama cha Namibia, SWAPO, kilipeleka watu wake kwenye kambi ya Kongwa. Kuanzia mwaka 1962, Sam Nujoma alifanya makubaliano na serikali ya Tanganyika ili wanamibia 200 waliojitolea waje Tanganyika, na kutoka hapo, waende nchi nyingine kwa mafunzo ya kijeshi. Wendi wao walienda Egypt kupata mafunzo hayo. Wengine walipelekwa Algeria mwaka 1963. Wengi wao walienda Kongwa walipomaliza mafunzo yao. Wanajeshi wa kwanza kutoka Namibia kwenda Kongwa walifika mnamo April 1964. Waliendelea na mazoezi na mafunzo ya kivita Kongwa. Waliohitimu walianza kufundisha wengine walioletwa moja kwa moja kutoka Namibia. Mnamo mwaka 1965, vijana sita waliopata mafunzo ya kivita walirudi Namibia kwa siri na kuanza opereshini ya ukombozi. Miungoni mwao alikuwa Simeon Tshihungeleni na Johannes Otto Nankudhu. Mnamo mwezi Agosti 1966, kundi lingine lilipenya na kuingia Namibia. Hilo lilikuwa kundi la kwanza kufyatua risasi ndani ya Namibia Agosti 1966; wengi katika kundi hilo walikua Kongwa na silaha walizotumia walizipata Tanzania.

Wanajeshi kutoka Mozambique walianza kuingia Kongwa mwezi Aprili 1964. Katika kundi la kwanza kuja Kongwa alikuwepo Samora Machel. Samora Machel alikuwa ni mmoja wa vijana waliopita Tanganyika mwanzoni wa mwaka 1963 kwenda kupata mafunzo ya kijeshi Algeria. Yeye na wenzake walikuwa miungoni mwa watu wa kwanza kuingia Kongwa na kuanza kuijenga kambi hiyo. Wanajeshi wa FRELIMO na SWAPO waliungana pamoja na kuanza kukarabati jengo la shule na kulifanya jengo la kambi. Pia waliweka senyenge kutenganisha kambi ya FRELIMO na SWAPO. Ikumbukwe kwamba chama cha FRELIMO kilianzishwa Dar es Salaam hapo awali mwaka 1962 baada ya Mwalimu Nyerere kuwaambia viongozi wa vikundi mbali mbali lazima waungane au waondoke Tanganyika.

Ilipofika mwezi wa Mei mwaka 1964, wanajeshi wa SWAPO na FRELIMO wakatoka kwenye matenti na kuingia kwenye kambi mpya waliojenga: Kongwa. Ni muhimu kukumbaka kwamba pamoja na serikali ya Tanganyika kujitolea sehemu hio iwe kambi ya kijeshi, wananchi wa maeneo ya Kongwa walijitolea sana kwa hali na mali kusaidia wanajeshi hao mwanzoni.

Kwa upande wa FRELIMO, kulikuwa na wanajeshi zaidi ya 250 ilipofika mwishoni wa mwezi Septemba 1964. Kundi la kwanza lilipenya kutoka Tanganyika na kuingia Msumbiji kaskazini mwanzoni wa Septemba 1964. Risasi na bunduki walizotumia walizipata Tanganyika. Silaha hizo zilitolewa na nchi tofauti na zikakabidhiwa serikali ya Tanganyika ili iwape wapiganaje wa nchi za Afrika. Huu ndio ulikua mwanzo wa vita vya kukomboa Msumbiji. FRELIMO iliondoa wanajeshi wake Kongwa na kuwapeleka kambi nyingine baada ya mwaka 1966; Nachingwea ikawa kambi kubwa na muhimu ya FRELIMO.

Chama cha African National Congress (ANC) cha Afrika Kusini kilipeleka baadhi ya watu wake wa kwanza waliojitolea kupigana Kongwa.ANC iliita jeshi lake Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK). Watu kutoka Afrika Kusini walianza kuingia Tanganyika kwa wingi kuanzia mwaka 1962. Wengi walipitia Tanganyika wakati wanaenda kupata mafunzo ya kivita, mwanzoni China na watu wachache, na baadae Urusi. Lakini ilikuwa mnamo mwaka 1963 ambapo wengi wao walipita Tanganyika na kwenda Urusi kwa mafunzo. Walianza kurudi Tanganyika mwaka 1964 baada ya kufudhu mafunzo. Ni muhimu kukumbusha kwamba hata hizo safari za kwenda nchi nyingine kupitia Tanganyika, ziliwezeshwa kwa kupitia hati za kusafiri walizopewa na serikali ya Tanganyika. Hili lilifanywa sio tu kwa Afrika Kusini, bali hata nchi nyingine za Afrika. Baadhi ya wanajeshi wa MK wa Luthuli Detachment waliopigana Wankie Kampeni kule Zimbabwe pamoja na ZAPU mwaka 1967, walikua Kongwa. Chris Hani alikuwa ni mmoja wa wanajeshi wachache waliofanikiwa kutoraka maadui katika opereshini hio na kukimbia Botswana.

Vyama kutoka Angola na Zimbabwe vilipeleka wapiganaji wake Kongwa. Chama cha MPLA cha Angola kilipeleka wanajeshi wake Kongwa mnamo mwaka 1965. MPLA ilitumia Kongwa kama sehemu ya kutoa mafunzo ya kivita kwa wanajeshi wake. MPLA haikuwa na wanajeshi wengi Kongwa. Pamoja na hayo baadhi ya wapiganaji wa kwanza wa MPLA waliofungua uwanja mpya wa mapambano Angola eneo la mashariki mwaka 1965 walikua Kongwa na baadae Zambia. Hata wanajeshi wa UNITA, walikua 11, walikaa Kongwa na wanajeshi wa SWAPO mwaka 1965 baada ya kufudhu mafunzo yao China.

Wapiganaji wa Zimbabwe wa chama cha ZAPU ni miungoni wa wanajeshi waliofika Kongwa mwaka 1965. ZAPU haikua na wanajeshi wengi Kongwa; wanajeshi hao walihamishwa na kupelekwa Zambia. Baadhi ya wanajeshi hao walipigana pamoja na MK kwenye Wankie Kampeni ya mwaka 1967 Wanajeshi wa ZANU pia walikuwepo Kongwa. Lakini wanajeshi wa ZANU baadae walipelekwa kwenye kambi ya Itumbi iliyopo Chunya, Mbeya.

Kongwa ni muhimu kwasababu ilitoa nafasi kwa wanajeshi kutoka nchi tofauti za Afrika kusini na kati kupata sehemu ya kufanya mafunzo na mazoezi ya kivita. Lakini pia, Kongwa ni muhimu kwasababu ilitoa nafasi kwa wanajeshi kutoka sehemu tofauti za Afrika kubadilishana mawazo na kupata kujuana. Pia hata wanajeshi waliotoka nchi moja, wengi walikua wanatoka makabila tofauti; Kongwa iliwapa nafasi ya kujifunza kujiunga pamoja. Kwa mfano, watu wa makabila tofauti kutoka Namibia walijikuta wanaisha pamoja sehemu moja na hivyo kulazimika kujifunza kuishi pamoja na kusaidiana.

Huu ni wakati muafaka kujikumbusha mchango mkubwa uliotolewa na Tanzania kusaidia harakati za ukombozi wa Afrika. Kuna mengi tunaweza kuongeza tunapoongelea mchango wa Tanzania, lakini kambi ya Kongwa ni mfano mmoja mzuri unaoonyesha mchango mkubwa uliotolewa na serikali na wananchi wa Tanzania. Na pia tukumbuke kwamba Kongwa haikuwa peke yake; baadae kambi nyingine zilifunguliwa Mgagao, SOMAFCO, Nachingwea, Bagamoyo, na Itumbi. 

Mchango wa Tanzania katika harakati za ukombozi wa Africa ni mkubwa sana. Hili ni jambo moja linalotakiwa kumfanya kila Mtanzania ajisikie ufahari mkubwa. Na kwa kutoa mchango huu, tukumbuke kwamba Tanzania iliadhibiwa sana kiuchumi na kwa namna nyingine. Lakini hilo halikututingisha; tulisimama imara kama nchi na kuhakikisha zile haki za binadamu, kama uhuru, haukanyagwi. Leo hii tunaweza kusema kwa tabasamu kubwa kwamba Kongwa ilikuwa ni mama wa majeshi tunayoyaona nchi za kusini mwa Afrika na kati.

Aluta Continua!
Azaria Mbughuni
Azmbughuni@gmail.com

Sam Nujoma, raisi wa kwanza wa Namibia, alikua anasafiri na pasipoti ya Tanzania.

Je unajua kwamba Sam Nujoma, raisi wa kwanza wa Namibia, alikua anasafiri na pasipoti ya Tanzania. Huu ni mfano mmoja tu. Pasipoti ya Tanzania ilikuwa kama almasi. Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Samora Machel, Robert Mugabe na viongozi wengine wengi walitumia pasipoti na makaratisi ya Tanzania (Tanganyika) kusafiri wakati wa kipindi cha karakati za ukombozi.

Malik Ambar: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

Malik Ambar: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

The Prime Minister of Ahmadnagar, Murtaza, Ruler and Military Leader, Malik Ambar was born in Ethiopia around 1549; he died in India in 1626. Ambar was sold into slavery in Yemen, taken to Baghdad where he was educated, and then resold to member of a royal family in the Deccan in southern India. Ambar’s rise to the apex of political power in the Indian Ocean world, is a testament to the African abilities to overcome adversity and shape the world around them. Ambar won his freedom in 1594; he then set out to build an army that first had 10,000 soldiers in 1595 and eventually over 40,000 soldiers (mostly Indians and at least 10,000 Africans) by 1620. Ambar defeated the Portuguese, the British, and the powerful Indian Mughal armies. He allied with other Africans (the Siddis) in the strategic Janjira in the 17th century; no ship, including British, Portuguese, Dutch, or Indian, could pass through Janjira fort without approval of the very capable African soldiers. Ambar founded the city of Khadiki (now Aurangabad), built palaces, developed irrigation system, and built an alliance with locals to maintain his rule. Ambar was one of the most powerful leaders in the Deccan, India during the 17th century. This brave son of Africa serves as an example of what one can do to shape their world while facing the greatest of adversity.

© Azaria Mbughuni

Gaspar Yanga: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

Gaspar Yanga: Black Leaders Who Shaped the World

Yanga was born around 1545 in West Africa. The exact date of his death is not clear, but he was alive in the first quarter of the 1600s. He was captured and later enslaved in Mexico. Yanga was a leader of a successful slave revolt in colonial Mexico and he built one of the first communities of free blacks in the Americas around 1570. Yanga carried out carefully planned military campaigns against the Spanish, often attacking caravans travelling between Veracruz at the coast and Mexico City, between 1570 and 1609. All Spanish attempts to defeat Yanga cimarrones (Maroons) militarily failed. A powerful force made up of 550 Spanish troops was sent on a mission to destroy the Yanga community in 1609; they failed miserably! Yanga selected Franscisco de la Matosa to lead his troops; Matosa was born in Angola. Yanga was very old then; he made the wise decision to carry out a guerilla campaign against the Spanish troops and instructed Matosa and his other lieutenants to utilize their knowledge of the terrain to defeat the Spanish. The well-equipped Spanish forces were defeated and forced to negotiate with Yanga for a peaceful resolution. Yanga determined the terms of the peace treaty; the Spanish eventually recognized the free African community and it became known as San Lorenco de Los Negros in 1618. The story of Yanga was first made popular in the 19th century by Vince Riva Palacio; another remarkable story in the arsenal of great black leaders: Palacio was a historian, soldier, and grandson of Mexico’s Second President and the first black President of North and Central America: Vincente Guerrero.

© Azaria Mbughuni

Amilcar Cabral: the Son of Africa!

Amilcar Cabral: the Son of Africa!


Amilcar Cabral was assassinated on January 20, 1973. He is one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century! Cabral was a philosopher, a revolutionary, a leader. He fought a brilliant war against the Portuguese in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. Cabral realized that the power-base of a movement was the people; “How is it that we, a people deprived of everything, living in dire straits, manage to wage our struggle and win successes? Asked Cabral! His was the people’s movement. Modern weapons of war, terror, and other trickery could not defeat a determined people. He was charismatic; his leadership skills were unparalleled. Part of Cabral’s genius is revealed by his ability, even as an outsider, to bring together more than seven different ethnic groups to join into a powerful movement. Cabral was a thinker; he titled one of his speeches: “The Weapon of Theory.” The very title of the speech speaks volumes. Ideas, theory, are an important weapon in any struggle. Cabral studied colonized identity and class within the context of the liberation struggle. Culture, he argued, was important and necessary component of the struggle. He sought “re-Africanization” of the African elite in the efforts to build a mass popular culture. Sadly, like many other instances in African history, assassin's bullets ended his life. A fellow African pulled the trigger that killed Cabral. The assassins worked for PIDE, the Portuguese secret service. The assassination failed to achieve their main objective: subverting the struggle. Guinea Bissau declared independence on September 24, 1973.

© Azaria Mbughuni

Samora Machel: an African Hero!

Samora Machel: an African Hero!

Samora Machel was the first President of Mozambique. He was killed on October 19, 1986 when his plane crashed after it was lured into hills inside South Africa by the apartheid government. The South African government denied any involvement in the crash, but a report by the Mozambique government blamed South Africa for the airplane crash. Machel had close ties to Tanzania. Mozambicans found a safe haven in Tanzania during the colonial period. Tanzania welcomed Mozambican freedom fighters and supported their struggle for independence. Constant in-fighting between the different groups based in Tanzania (then Tanganyika) finally prompted Nyerere to force Mozambican leaders to meet at Arnatouglo Hall in Dar es Salaam to iron out their differences in June of 1962. Nyerere threatened to throw them out of the country if they did not unite and form a single group. Thus on June 25, 1962, MANU, UDENAMO, and UNAMI came together to form FRELIMO under pressure from Nyerere. Eduardo Mondlane became the leader of the new group.

A 29 year old Samora Machel was among FRELIMO’s early recruits. His journey to Tanzania was a long one; he escaped Mozambique to Swaziland, and eventually, ended up in Botswana. From Botswana, Machel managed to get on a plane that brought ANC recruits to Tanzania. Machel was among a group of Mozambicans who flew from Dar es Salaam to receive military training in Algeria in 1963. He was given the task of heading the training of FRELIMO cadets at Kongwa. In addition to Kongwa, FRELIMO was also given land in Bagamoyo to establish a camp. Machel spent most of the next 10 years between Tanzania and Mozambique. He became the head of FRELIMO army in 1966 after the death of Filipe Magaia. Mondlane was assassinated in Dar es Salaam by the Portuguese using a bomb placed inside a letter in 1969; Machel became the leader of FRELIMO after the assassination of Mondlane. FRELIMO headquarters was moved to Nachingwea in southern Tanzania in order to be closer to the battlefront.

I remember vividly the day Machel died in 1986. It appeared like all of Tanzania had come to a standstill. Tanzanians were glued to the radio listening to the latest news. It was one of the few times that Nyerere cried publicly. Nyerere broke down at Machel's funeral and embraced his widow, Graca Machel. It was a moving scene and a memorable one for me as a young boy attending first grade at Mlimani.

You see, I grew up hearing stories about FRELIMO and Machel. Samora Machel was my grandfather’s neighbor in Chang’ombe, then in the outskirts of Dar es Salaam. Machel moved closer to the frontlines, and eventually, Mozambique when FRELIMO defeated the Portuguese. My grandfather managed to buy a 1968 Peugeot 404 pickup from FRELIMO; it was one of the vehicles that Machel used to travel around the city when he was in Dar es Salaam.

I recall growing up playing in that old Peugeot 404, unaware of its historical significance. The windows were broken, it had no wheels, and was on top of bricks; it was slowly rusting away into oblivion. I never asked my father what happened to that vehicle. It is only now that I lament at the lack of historical awareness, at ignorance that has led many of us to destroy important historical treasures. The way we treated that old Peugeot 404 is not different from the way we treat our history. Tanzania made significant contributions to the liberation of Mozambique; yet few are aware of the great sacrifice made by a young country with few resources. Even fewer take the time to preserve the files that tell us this story, the buildings that housed Mozambican freedom fighters in Chang’ombe, Bagamoyo, and Nachingwea. But it is ultimately with the 1968 Peugeot 404 that I must go back to in order to illustrate an important point; what would that treasure be worth today had we kept it up, maintained it? The answer is simple: priceless! For you cannot put a price tag on such important historical treasure. And as for Machel, Tanzania and Mozambique will never be the same because of him. Generations of Mozambicans will continue to enjoy freedom because of the great sacrifices he made

© Azaria Mbughuni

The Assassination of Patrice Emery Lumumba!

The Assassination of Patrice Emery Lumumba!

Patrice Emery Lumumba, the first democratically elected leader of the Democractic Republic of Congo (DRC), was killed on January 17, 1961. Lumumba was among Africa's best and most promising leaders. Unfortunately, Lumumba never had a chance to shape his newly independent country; he was tortured and then killed. Newly declassified State Department documents confirm what historians have been saying all along: the US government played a key role in Lumumba's assassination. Violence that erupted in the DRC (then Congo) in 1960/1961 continues to haunt DRC to this day more than 55 years later. The DRC is one of the richest countries in the world, yet majority of its people remain in extreme poverty. Billions of dollars in minerals is extracted from the country each year while a never-ending war rages. Some estimate DRC's mineral wealth to be as high as $24 trillion.

The CIA in collaboration with Belgian agents and Mobutu Sese Seko set up the plot and eventually carried out the assassination of Lumumba on January 17, 1961. There are suspicions that Britain may also have played a role; but this has not been proven. The US came to view Lumumba as a dangerous pro-Communist radical. Nothing could be further from truth; Lumumba had no intention of turning his country over to foreigners from either the East or West. Yet it did not take long for the US to label Lumumba a Communist and launch covert operation that led to his assassination. DRC had important minerals that the West wanted at all cost during the height of the Cold War; that was, ultimately, the reason for the plot to assassinate Lumumba. The US government launched a covert operation in August 1960 with the goal of eliminating Lumumba and putting a puppet regime in power; they found a willing ally in Mobutu Sese Seko. The US President Dwight Eisenhower authorized Lumumba’s assassination and the CIA Chief, Allan Dulles, subsequently allocated $100,000 for the operation.

There are more than 60 pages of documents declassified by the State Department detailing the plot; selection of a few documents here illustrates this sad chapter in history. Highlights of the documents includes, telegram 976 to CIA that states that the CIA Chief Station in Congo urged "arrest or other more permanent disposal of Lumumba.." Telegram 0026 to CIA details plots to kill Lumumba. Telegram 0057 reveals Mobutu's frustration and CIA Chief's appeal back home to get funds to pay Mobutu and his supporters in order to remove Lumumba. Eventually funds were approved, Mobutu and his stooges were paid, and Lumumba's fate was sealed. Telegram 09643 of November 2, 1960, reports Department of State's approval of the CIA plan to remove Lumumba once and for all. However, discussions continued about what to do in a January 14, 1961 report on the political situation in the Congo; it points out that they recommended the authorization of funds to assist Mobutu. In a letter dated January 15, 1961, Mobutu is reported to have been offered a payment of one million Belgian Congolese francs for his army; the source of the funds? The US government through the CIA. The CIA report of January 18, 1961, one day after Lumumba was assassinated, states that Lumumba was flown in a plane together with a fellow detainee. The reports states that Lumumba showed "signs of having been badly beaten in flight" and "all Lumumba teeth have been knocked out.." after disembarking. There is a picture of a white soldier holding Lumumba as he disembarks from the airplane. Numerous pictures of Lumumba were taken as he left the airport. Lumumba was executed shortly afterwards; but not before an "ear was severed.." according to a CIA report of his death. 

Why was this brilliant son of Africa executed? Well, the excuse they gave at the time was that he was becoming a Communist. While the West, the US in particular, played a major role in Lumumba's execution, it is clear that the plot could never have worked had it not been for some Africans. This is the tragic reality that Africa has to confront. There are many lessons for the rest of us today as we examine our past and plan for the future.

We will never forget this great son of Africa Patrice Lumumba. Long live the revolution!

© Azaria Mbughuni

Sheikh Karume speech to prison officers from mainland at the people's palace, Zanzibar, Oct. 26, 1965

One of the most profound speeches I have ever come across by Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume! Read and learn: knowledge of self, unity! Sheikh Karume addressed prison officers from mainland at the People's Palace, Zanzibar, October 26, 1965.

"God has created us and has given us a supreme gift-the brain. We only excel each other in the use of our brains. Those rich in knowledge must be prepared to contribute it to those who lack it... It behoves us all to live as brothers, to love and to respect each other, to work together and not to look at anyone with contempt. You must not be harmful to each other... The Union of our country is a great thing but it is not liked by others. They employ all the means and ways to disrupt our unity because as you know when there is unity, fear is gone and love blossoms among the people. When there is unity people become powerful. These people know that it will be very difficult for them to rule us and they have intention to rule us from the back door..."

The 1964 Tanganyika Army Mutiny, the "Day of Shame": 51 Years Ago on this Day

The 1964 Tanganyika Army Mutiny, the "Day of Shame": 51 Years Ago on this Day

At 2:45 pm on January 24, 1964, Oscar Kambona and Paul Bomani, delivered a letter to the Acting British High Commissioner, Frank Steven Miles. The letter read:
“Your Excellency, I am directed by President of the Republic of Tanganyika to approach the British Government with a request for military assistance..” Rashid Kawawa, the Vice President of Tanganyika, signed the letter. 45 British Commandos flew in helicopters and stormed different targets, including the Colito barracks and subdued soldiers who mutinied on January 25. The British operation marked the end of a sad chapter in Tanganyika’s history; Nyerere would later describe the day of the mutiny as a day of “national shame.”

The army mutiny started early morning of January 20th, 1964. It started at 1:30 am when the soldiers sounded the alarm at the Colito Barracks (now Lugalo) outside Dar es Salaam and arrested officers. The soldiers demanded higher wages and promotion for African soldiers. Job Lusinde, Bhoke Munanka, Oscar Kambona, and later Paul Bomani, would keep the lines of communication between the government and the mutineers open. Kambona became the key government negotiator. Many high government leaders went into hiding as news of the mutiny spread.

The Director of Intelligence, Emilo Charles Mzena, did the most dangerous work behind scenes during the mutiny. According to one report, Mzena received news of the mutiny as soon as it happened and rushed to the State House. The soldiers made to the State House shortly after Mzena arrived; they were distracted at the gate while Mzena whisked Nyerere out. Nyerere remained in hiding for several days somewhere in Mji Mwema according to some sources. The retired Colonel Kashmiri claimed recently that Nyerere stayed at Judge Abdulla Mustapha’s home.

The mutiny did not just take place overnight. It was carefully planned over a period of several months. The confusion that came in the aftermath of the Zanzibar revolution of January 12, 1964, appears to have convinced the mutineers that the time was right to launch the mutiny; however, there is no evidence of a direct link between the two. In the course of 1963, Oscar Kambona and later Job Lusinde disbanded the Special Branch; an apparatus responsible for gathering intelligence and warning the government of any potential dangers. The British Colonial officials previously ran the agency. Tanganyika officials were suspicious of the agency after independence, and for good reasons. Kambona went on to build a new intelligence organization made up mostly of members of TANU Youth League. He began his work in 1963 when he became the Minister of Defence. The new organization did not yet have the ability to collect, analyze, and take appropriate measures by the time of the mutiny. To make matters worse, Kambona met with some of the soldiers in the end of 1963 and promised them changes. Some of the soldiers expressed dissatisfaction at the slow pace of the Africanization program. Kambona sought to make the changes; however, he encountered resistance from the British head of the military, Brigadier Patrick Sholto Douglas.

More to come...

© Azaria Mbughuni

Nyerere, Kennedy, and the Struggle for Mozambique!

Nyerere, Kennedy, and the Struggle for Mozambique!

Tanzania (then Tanganyika) sent scores of Mozambican recruits to receive military training in Algeria early 1963. The training came partly as a result of discussions between Nyerere, Eduardo Mondlane, and Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria. It was clear by May of 1963 that Tanzania would eventually allow Mozambicans to attack the Portuguese in Mozambique from their bases in Tanzania. This worried Nyerere! He wanted to avoid violence if possible.

Nyerere and Kambona advised Eduardo Mondlane early 1963 to try peaceful negotiations first before embarking on an armed struggle. In April of 1963, Mondlane remarked that he would give himself about 6 months to try finding a peaceful resolution. It was based on his discussions with Mondlane and other Mozambican leaders that Nyerere decide to try and avert the innevitable war and approach the Americans.

Nyerere met with the American Ambassador Leonhart in Tanganyika on March 17, 1963. An officer of the External Affairs was present during the meeting; Nyerere called Ambassador Leonhart to his office after the meeting and handed him a confidential letter for President Kennedy. The American Ambassador noted in his report that Nyerere wrote the letter himself, did not involve Foreign Affairs, and decided to hand over the letter when his Foreign Minister, Oscar Kambona, was away. The letter illustrates Nyerere's personal convictions, his total abhorence for racism, and determination to stand on principles; the letter was an appeal from one leader to another.

In the letter, Nyerere asks the American President, Kennedy, to intervene with Portugal in order to set Mozambique on the path to independence. Nyerere wrote: "It will be obvious that the basis of my concern over South Africa, South-West Africa, and the Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique, stems from my complete rejection of colonialism and racial discrimination."

Nyerere travelled to Washington in July of 1963 to try and convince Kennedy to do the right thing in southern Africa. As it was to be expected at the time, the US refused to do the right thing and continued to support Portugal and its colonial ambitions. It was only after all diplomatic channels had being exhausted did Nyerere give FRELIMO the go-ahead to launch attacks in Mozambique. The six months that Mondlane gave himself to pursue a diplomatic solution for Mozambique dragged for a little over a year. This decision to wait did not come just because Mondlane wanted to wait; it was partly due to Nyerere’s pressure on Mondlane to use all means possible to try and win independence for Mozambique peacefully before embarking on an armed struggle. Nyerere abhorred violence, but he was more than willing to support an armed struggle if there was no other avenue left. There would be no compromise, as far as Nyerere was concerned, when it came to the pursuit of freedom and the dignity of Africa. 

Mozambicans launched their attack on Portuguese targets in Mozambique from their bases in Tanzania September 1964. It would take 10 years for a strong and determined army of Mozambicans supported by Tanzania to defeat a modern European army fully backed by NATO. 

Tujivunie na historia yetu!
Long Live the Revolution!
Aluta Continua!

© Azaria Mbughuni

Malcolm X and Tanzania

Malcolm X and Tanzania

Malcom X came to Tanzania in October of 1964. The visit came after the OAU Summit of July 1964 in Cairo, Egypt. Malcolm X concluded after the Summit that Tanzania was an important ally in the struggle against racialism and imperialism. He wanted to establish stronger ties with the country's leaders. 

Malcolm had a difficult time at the OAU conference in 1964. Most African leaders did not support Malcolm's efforts to address racial discrimination in the US at the Summit. The US State Department lobbied hard and convinced many African leaders not to take Malcolm X seriously. Abdulrahman Babu linked up with Malcolm X at the conference and the two became friends. Malcolm X and Babu made a case to President Nyerere on the resolution. Nyerere took up Malcolm's proposal and convinced the OAU leaders to pass a resolution on racial discrimination in the US. The final resolution was not exactly what Malcolm X wanted initially; however, it was a major victory considering the resistance he faced at the conference. The passage of the resolution was a victory since for the first time a body of independent African nations joined hands with African Americans in condemnation of racial discrimination in the US. The resolution would not have passed had it not been for Nyerere!

Malcolm X decided to visit the Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar as it was known at the time. He landed in the capital city on October 9, 1964. Malcolm X held meetings with various leaders in Dar es Salaam, including Oscar Kambona and Babu. He also had a meeting with TANU leaders at the home of Bibi Titi Mohamed. The highlight of his visit to Dar es Salaam came on October 13 when he was whisked away to meet President Nyerere. Malcolm X described Nyerere as "very shrewd, intelligent, and disarming;" it would be the last time the two leaders met. 

The interactions between Malcolm X and Tanzania government officials continued in the December of 1964 after he returned to the US from Africa. He took a brief trip to Europe and returned to New York on December 6, 1964. The FBI had him under surveillance and an agent was at the airport when Malcolm X landed. According to the FBI, Malcolm X met Tanzanian diplomatic officials at the airpot in New York on December 6. He left the airport on one of three cars registered to Tanzanian diplomats and he went directly to the home of a Tanzanian diplomat. Babu was in New York at the time.

The full details of the links between Malcolm X, Babu, and the Tanzanian diplomats in New York and at the 1964 Cairo Summit have never been fully disclosed. Malcolm X or El Hajj Malik el Shabazz was assassinated on February 21, 1965, a little over three months after his last meeting with Tanzania officials.

© Azaria Mbughuni

For more on Malcolm X in Tanzania, check out my article: http://www.businesstimes.co.tz/index.php…

Tanzania and liberation ideology!

Liberation!

It was in the halls of the University College (now the University of Dar es Salaam), that some of the greatest minds shared ideas about the future of Africa. A generation of young scholars and militant students debated and came up with strategies for the struggle to liberate Africa. Many caught this fever; it was a fever that inspired countless Tanzanians and Africans. But what happened since? 

A young generation of Tanzanians appears hopelessly lost; worse, a group of people lacking any ideological grounding have hijacked important positions and are busy enriching themselves at the expense of the majority. And so it appears to many observers that the greatest ambition of many young people today is to find a shortcut for accumulating wealth. Not too long ago, there was a generation dedicated to total liberation. Has this old generation failed us? What is the struggle for the young people today? Where do they draw motivation and inspiration?

A group of young African students and teachers held an OAU mock session on the quest for United States of Africa in 1969 in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The session led to a heated debate between students representing various African countries on the strategy to build unity and the struggle to end colonial rule in Africa. This historic debate was held at the Kinondoni Muslim Secondary School. A young unknown student from the University College, Dar es Salaam named Issa Shivji represented Tanzania at the debate. Shivji told 17 delegates that Africa could not “bear any further humiliations by foreigners.” He argued that Africa was “poor and weak” and added that “power could only be achieved if the economy of Africa was developed.” It was through economic empowerment that Africa would be in position to achieve the greater goal of “United States of Africa.” Shivji proposed an ambitious goal: the establishment of the United States of Africa by 1975. He envisaged achieving this monumental task in a period of about just 6 years. It is only now, more that 30 years later that we can look back in retrospect and marvel at the idealism and enthusiasm of the young students.

The question of prioritizing the liberation of Africa or moving forward with unifying Africa was one point of contention; some delegates pointed out that Africa had to be liberated from colonialism first before embarking on the quest for unity. Numerous countries, including Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, and South Africa, were not free in 1969 when the debate took place. Issa Idris, delegate representing Malawi, pointed out during the debate that it was pointless to discuss United States of Africa while numerous African countries remained under colonial rule. Another delegate, Leonard Kasulwa, argued that an earlier date should be set for achieving the union government of Africa. The debate took place at a period when Tanzania was one of the most important centers in the ideological battle for the emancipation of Africa politically, economically, and socially. 

There was a war raging in the neighboring Mozambique; Tanzania was directly involved in that war. Dar es Salaam attracted some of the best minds from Africa and the Diaspora during the 1960s. Students like Shivji, Yoweri Museveni, and countless others, had the privilege of listening to some of the best minds of the time. The “Dar es Salaam School”, as it became known, made its mark in Tanzania and the rest of the world. Countless revolutionaries such as Walter Rodney, Nathan Shamuyarira, and others, shared ideas with colleagues, students, and leaders belonging to various liberation movements housed in Tanzania. A collection of writings and speeches by Mwalimu Nyerere was published under the title Freedom and Socialism in May of 1969. The essays linked up freedom and socialism; Mwalimu not just talked the talk, he dedicated most of the country’s meager resources to the liberation of Africa. It was under this context that the young students and teachers met at Kinondoni Muslim Secondary School to debate the best strategy for building a strong and united continent. 

Shivji and other young students came of age during an era of great revolutionary thought; they were shaped by the urgency of the situation at the time. For them, African unity and removal of colonial rule was important; some of them identified the dangers of neocolonialism and warned of its future dangers. Class struggle, they argued, could not be divorced from the struggle for political independence. The academics and other great minds of the time, thought carefully about the challenges they faced, engaged in rigorous debates, and inspired a whole generation of young men and women. That great era of Pan-Africanism, socialist revolution, appears as if it has come to an end; so it seems. 

It is now up to the new generation of African academics and leaders to revive the debate on how best to tackle the challenges that face Tanzania and the rest of Africa. The political, economic, and social liberation of Tanzania is linked inextricably with the liberation of Africa. Africa appears to be sinking and laging behind; neocolonialism continues to sink its teeth and Africa is far from breaking the chains that holds it to the ground. The problems facing Tanzania are not so different from other African countries. The problems stem partly from outside interference and part of it lies within. The emancipation of Africa politically, economically, and socially is an urgent matter that the new generation will have to address.

The liberation of the African must be a stepping stone in the wider quest to liberate all humanity from poverty, superstition, and the achievement of basic needs and equality to all under the Sun. As that great son of Africa, Robert Sobukwe, once pronounced: "We are fighting for the noblest cause on earth, the liberation of mankind.." And I will add womankind to this great struggle! 

But what is the next step?

© Azaria Mbughuni